Huddersfield Chronicle (19/Oct/1850) - page 6

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THE HUDDERSFIELD CHRONICLE, SATURDAY, OCTOBER 19, 1850. Foreian [Foreign] Entelligence. [Intelligence] FRANCE. v The review, on the plain of Satory, [Story] near Ver- [Rev- Females] mailles, [miles] on Thursday, and attracted an im- [in- immense] mense [sense] crowd from Paris and the neighbouring places. The number of troops on the ground was about 25,000, of which fully one-half were cavalry. The president of the republic arrived on the ground shortly after eleven g'clock, having come from Paris to Versailles in his private carriage. He was accompanied by General d'Hautpool, [d'Happily] the minister of war, and several other general officers, besides his usual brilliant staff. Imme- [Mme- Immediately] diately [lately] after the arrival of Louis Napoleon, he passed along in front of the whole line both of cavalry and in- [infantry] fantry; [pantry] but there was no demonstration or cry of any kind. Several manceuvres [manoeuvres] took place, and the defiling of the troops in front of the president then took place, the infantry taking the lead. The Chasseurs [Purchase] of Vin- [In- Vincennes] cennes [scenes] passed without uttering a single cry; and the whole of the infantry, with the first squadron of artil- [artillery- artillery] lery, [ley] followed their example. The cavalry followed, the van being led by the carabineers. The whole of the first regiments of carabinecers, [Carabineers] in passing the president, cheered with immense enthusiasm, and a great majority of them cried Vive Vice] l'empereur [l'Emperor Vive Vice] Napoléon [Napoleon] The three other regiments of carabineers also cheered, but not with so much enthusiasm as the first. There were, however, a considerable number of cries of Vive Vice] YEmpereur [Emperor The regiments which followed were two regiments of heavy dragoons. They passed without uttering a single cry, although the colonel of one of them encouraged his men by crying Vive Vice] TEmpereur [Temperature at the pitch of his voice. In the light cavalry regiments there was very little cheering, and the only cry uttered was Vive Vice] Napoleon Vive Vice] le President In the whole course of the review there was not a single cry of Vive Vice] la République [Republic from the troops. After the defile the troops returned to the camp of Satory, [Story] and refreshments were served, as at the former reviews. The president, accompanied by his staff, paid a visit to the camp; but General Changarnier [Changing] left the ground immediately after the defiling of the troops. The whole affair was over by four o'clock. The president then returned to the court of the Palace of Versailles, where his carriage was waiting for him; and at half-past four, accompanied by General d'Hautpoul, [d'Happily] the minister of war, General Rouget, and Colonel Laity, his aides-de-camp, he started for Paris. The permanent committee of the national assembly met on Friday and Saturday, in consequence of the cries uttered at the review. It is understood that the conduct of some of the officers and of the minister of war was severely censured; but that the committee, while recording its censure in the minutes of its pro- [proceedings] ceedings, [proceeding] determined that there was no need to summon the assembly. The Parisian journals are chiefly occu- [occur- occupied] pied with the subject of these cries of Vive [Vice] uttered by the troops, and all but the Bonapartist papers warmly condemn the conduct of the officers and the government. It is said that one of the first things M. Thiers [This] did on his return to Paris from Claremont was to go to the Elysée [Else] to visit the president, with whom he had a long interview. He mentioned all that took place during his conference with the Duchess of Orleans, to whom he declared the little probability there was at this moment of the cause of her son making any advance, and the necessity of her having patience. He is also understood to have stated to the duchess his opinion, that the only thing practicable at this moment was the prolongation of the powers of the President of the Republic, and that it was his intention to support it in his place in the assembly, on the ground of its being the only solution possible consistent with the tranquility [tranquillity] of the country. The president of the republic has conferred the grand cross of the legion of honour on the Duke de Sotomayor, [Stomach] the Spanish Ambassador at Paris, in return for the order of the golden fleece, which has been sent to Louis Napoleon by the Queen of Spain. The produce of the taxes and indirect revenues during the first nine months of the present year amounts to 537,000,000 francs. This is a real increase of nearly 70,000,000 francs on 1848, taking into account the re- [reduction] duction [Auction] in the duty on salt, and of more than 28,000,000 francs on 1849. It has now become quite apparent that the Orleans party have abandoned their hitherto passive attitude, and have openly assumed an offensive position towards Louis Napoleon. Two main facts have contributed to bring about this sudden declaration of war; the Barthe- [Bathe- Bartholomew] lemy [ley] circular, which killed all hopes of fusion, and the imperialist manifestations on the plain of Satory, [Story] which have exhibited the progress of Bonapartism in the most important regiments of the army. The Orlean- [Orleans- Colonists] ists [its] no longer cherish the allia ce [all ce] of the elder branch to promote a subordinate interest, but to put forward their own claims as supreme. Of course diplomatists like M. Salvandy [Savant] would not put the cards of such a game under the nose of the Duke of Bo - deaux [dix] but not a doubt remains that the Orleanists [Colonists] will no longer consent to carry their popular banner in the rear of periwiggid [periwig] legitimacy. The determination which the pure Orleanists [Colonists] seem to have taken to oppose the renewal of the President's power even for four years is a much more serious step, for it leads directly toa [to] military revolution. The majority of the parlia- [Parliament- parliament] ment [men] is bitterly hostile to Louis Napoleon, and, if this sentiment were the reflection of the national mind, they have perhaps sufficient controul [control] over the army to sup- [supplant] rlant [plant] the President, and restore the monarchy of July. But the nation is not in the least animated by those angry teelings [feelings] which agitate the Permanent Committee. By advices [advice] from Paris up to Wednesday evening, we learn that the deputies of the National Assembly are arriving in great numbers, and, from the numerous meetings which take place at their houses, a very stormy session may be anticipated The majority appear dis- [disposed] posed to revise the Constitution, which will give Louis Napoleon a chance of being re-elected. HESSE CASSEL. [CASE] The Casseler [Cassell] Zeitung [Stung] (the Elector's offic'al [office'al] paper) an- [announces] nounces [ounces] that the finance department has been taken from M. Hassenpfiug [Passenger] and conferred on M. Volmar [Volume] zu Eschewege. [eschew] M. Hassenpflug [Passenger] still retains the depart- [departments] ments [rents] of Justice and the Home Affairs. On the 13th mstant [stand] a rumour was rife at Frankfort of the abdication of the elector, but later advices [advice] from Cassel [Case] and Frank- [Frankfort] fort contradict the reported abdication of the elector. A telegraphic despatch dated Cassel, [Case] the 15th, [the] says that new ministry was under formation, as follows- [follows elvers] Elvers, President of the Council; Losberg, [Lisbon] Minister of War; and Duysing, [Dyson] Miaister [Minister] of Finance. The two latter had proceeded to Wilhelmsbad. [Wilhelmina] Losberg [Lisbon] was in disgrace formerly for having spoken against Hassenpflug. [Passenger] Duysing [Dyson] is known as a friend of the constitution. it TEN iN D HOLSTEIN. appears t the Holstein army has withdrawn from before Friedrichstadt, [Christadelphian] and have resumed their former position. Volunteers continued to arrive from the interior of Germany, and were forwarded from Altona [National] to Rendsburg, [Rends burg] where they were incorporated in the Holsteinarmy. [Holstein] The official list of the Holstein officers, killed or wounded, at Friedrichstadt, [Christadelphian] shows 10 killed, 26 wounded, and 2 missing. The list of non-commissioned officers and privates are stated to be still incomplete ; but it is added that the 6th battalion has had about 170 men killed and wounded, and the battalion about 190. A despatch from the commandant of Schleswig [Schedules] adds that the Danish loss amounted to four officers and amen killed nd wounded, and that more than 100 olstein [Holstein] corpses en found in fr Fredric in front of the works e session of the Danish chambers was the 5th instant by a speech from the royal conamnin [containing] sioners; [sinners] but this speech contained little of interest. It was stated that the finances were not exhausted, and that it would not be necessary to issue exchequer bills to the amount of 2,000,000 rixdollars, [dollars] as the government was empowered to do. In a subsequent sitting the ce minister stated that the revenue for the ensuing year was calculated at 13,400,000 rixdollars, [dollars] the expen- [expense- expenditure] diture [future] at 15,881,000 rixdollars. [dollars] The excess will be covered by the Schleswig [Schedules] customs duties and the new income-tax. ; AMERICA. By the arrival of the steamer Pacific, in the Mersey, on Thursday week, we have news of a later date than by the Asia. The Pacific brings 200,000 dollars in specie principally silver. , The news by this arrival is not of much political im- [in- importance] portance. [importance] Congress, which was to adjourn on the 30th, [the] was hurrying through the various measures which were not acted upon. The senate had passed the fortifica- [fortified- fortification] tion [ion] and other appropriation bills, among which was one granting one million of dollars for payments due to the Cherokee Indians, in accordance with a treaty entered into between the government and them; and they were engaged in discussing a bill appointing a board of com- [commissioners] missioners to ascertain and settle private land claims in California. The house had debated at length the Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill. The papers state that a small fight occurred in the senate ante-chamber, between Senators Foote and Fre- [Re- Fremont] mont. [most] Messrs. Mangum and Clarke interposed, and separated them. Apologies subsequently passed, and the matter was satisfactorily and honourably adjusted. The New York papers contain an account of the arrest, examination, and reclamation of a named James Hamlet, a fugitive slave from the State of Mary- [Maryland] land. The proceedings occupied but a very few hours; the legal demands of the plaintiff were granted, and the provisions of the bill recently passed by Congress were complied with. As might have been expected, most and arrest in this case, caused a great com- [motion] otion [motion] ughout [ugh out] the city, coloured population, ty, esp ly among the m Mexico we learn that the report of the Finance Committee has been adopted by Congress, which nego- [gone- gone] ciates [Coates] a further sum of 500,000 dollars on the Ameri [Amer] There still remains 500,000 dollars. iS rains in the valle [valley] inundation of the capital 7 of Maxioa [Max] had rendered an The cholera made awful to August 12-there was 16,506 cases and were 2,195 cases and 989 deaths, had disappeared at Vera Cruz it Otizaba [Otis] it waa [was] increasing, we doe HOLMFIRTH. MR. ROBERTS' LECTURE- ONE LAW FOR THE RICH AND ANOTHER FOR THE POOR. A very crowded meeting of the labouring classes was held in the Townhall, [Downfall] on Monday evening last, to hear an address from Wm. Prouting [Printing] Roberts, Esq., the Miners' Attorney-General, of Manchester, on the subject, One Law for the Rich and another Law for the Poor. During the delivery of the lecture the audience evinced a deep interest in the remarks of the speaker, and the proceedings were characterised by the most perfect order and unanimity. Mr. Henry MarspEn [Marsden] was unanimously called to the chair, and after a few general remarks on the partiality of the Law of Promigeniture, [Primogeniture] the Game-laws, and the Poor-laws, introduced . . Mr. Roperts [Roberts] to the meeting, who was received with ahearty [hearty] round of applause. The learned gentleman was suffering from a severe cold and hoarseness, and after requesting a patient and attentive hearing on this account, said it was to him a gratifying and cheering sight to see so many of the working classes met there that evening. He felt a deep gratification in finding so many assembled to give him a welcome amongst them. It was perhaps one of the most gratifying features of the present day-one most fraught with hope, that the working classes could be gathered together, and induced to forsake those pursuits which had formerly occupied far more of their attention than they ought to have done. A few years ago, and every one of them, or at least their fathers, would have been at the public-house. It was only of late years that they had witnessed that thronging together for the purpose of gaining political knowledge. At all times it had been easy to get the working classes together in 'moments of enthusiasm, when there was some great battle to be fought, some great sight to be seen; but the present hour was dis- [distinguished] tinguished [distinguished] by the fact, that let any person who had the power of speaking at all, although perhaps his name had never before been heard, present himself amongst the working classes, if they believed he would convey to them instruction-and at once their homes and public houses were deserted for the purpose of hearing him. He spoke of that as one of the features of the present day to which he looked with the greatest hope. To himself and to others who felt it their greatest pride and plea- [pleasure] sure in addressing the working classes-whose life it was to feel or fancy that they were doing some good to their age-to himself, he repeated, it was a proud hour whenever he was amongst the working classes-particu- [classes-particular- particularly] larly [early] was it so in places like that where he then stood, where it had pleased God to give him an opportunity of doing something to elevate the position of the working classes. (Hear, hear.) People differed. With some men the greatest pride was that they moved in high society-that they could dance with Lady This or Lady That, that they had dined with the Queen, that they found the doors of the nobility open to them; others found their greatest pleasure in attending at races, in- [indulging] dulging [indulging] in sporting pursuits, in having fine carriages and horses, and all that sort of thing-but to different men different joys were applicable. To him the greatest joy he had was to feel that after 20 years' standing before the public, and working for the poor in every depart- [department] ment [men] of social thought and social action-to him the greatest joy was that wherever he met with them he thought he met with friends-with a body always glad to see him. (Hear, hear.) In that place and in many others it had happened to him, as also to others, that there had been some particular instances to which they could all throw back their minds, when something had been done to elevate their position. Their position was elevated whenever they were taught to hope-their position was elevated whenever they felt their power ; and he on that platform on which he stood that night as a Chartist agitator, glorying in the name, and determined never to part with it-(hear, hear,)- [hear] on that platform he had succeeded in wresting justice for the poor man from the hands of those who had denied it to that poor man before. (Hear, hear.) But, in so doing, he not only obtained justice for that poor man, but he taught that hall, filled as it then was with persons like themselves,-he taught that hall to think,-he taught that platfo m [platform m] to tremble. (Loud applause.) Now, this was what he called doing the people's work. He spoke of it not for the purpose of glorifying himself, but because it was one of the stepping stones on which they should look back as a proof of their advancement as far as they had gone. (Hear, hear.) He was there, he understood, to talk about one law for the rich-another law for the poor -a doctrine well illustrated in this country-a doctrine touching which not an hour passed but some example was occurring in one place or another. He might allude to one with which they themselves were most familiar; and, in telling them of that case, step by step, he might do something to illustrate the position which he was there to speak upon. Some short time ago- [ago though] though to him, as he stood there that night, it seemed to him but as yesterday-it seemed as though many of the faces then gazing on him, had gazed on him on that occasion; but he was afraid that though the time ap- [appeared] peared [pared] so short, a year or two must have passed by him. He knew, however, it was on the first day that that hall was opened for the purpose of public justice; and never eculd [could] any hall be opened for a holier cause than was argued on that very day. (Hear.) What was his posi- [post- position] tion [ion] when he came there A poor man, by the name ef Charlesworth, whom they all knew, who had shewn a firmness which proved that he was an Englishman, who, when coerced by oppression, had stood out against it in York Castle, for nearly or for more than a score of years. When he came from his prison he found his property wrested from him byagentleman-who [gentleman-who] was agentleman [gentleman] no doubt about it-but if any one of them was in his place, he (Mr. R.) should call him aswindler. [swindler] (Hear, and loud applause.) But this gentleman was a per- [perfect] fect [fact] gentleman, and he begged them to recollect that however he might alter his tone of voice in the heat of the case, he meant to describe this individual as a gentleman, although the acts, if they had been com- [committed] mitted [fitted] by them, would have doomed them to condign punishment. Well, Charlesworth found his mill taken from him-the current of water with which it had been sup- [supplied] plied turned and dammed up against him, and used for the purposes of a mill below his in the stream. Charles- [Charlesworth] worth knew that the current of water belonged to him -it had belonged to him before he went to gaol, and he did know that he had not done anything to forfeit it whilst in gaol. He came home from prison, and was received as all honest men ought to be received by their fellow-men-he was received with open arms by all who knew him in his days of prosperity. He was deter- [determined] mined to assert his right, and he induced some of his neighbours, either in the day-time or in the night, to go up to the dam and destroy it. He knew it was his, and he (the speaker) cculd [could] not but believe that the gentle- [gentlemen] men who sat on that platform when it was tried knew it was his. Well, the gentleman who had for twenty years or more enjoyed this flow of water without making any remuneration for it-who had so long participated in the injustice that he felt himself authorized [authorised] to appro- [approve- appropriate] priate [private] the profits for ever;-this gentleman fancied he had influence with the justices. He had. He thought proper to exercise what he called his rights against those claims preferred by the real owner, Mr. Charles- [Charlesworth] worth. He summoned those who had pulled down the dam before the magistrates. In that hall they were tried, and two or three of them convicted. The case was as fully then as ever it was afterwards. (Hear.) Let them take the case home and ponder over it at every stage, for it was one of the most marvellous illustrations of the law, as well as one of the most mar- [marvellous] vellous [Wells] illustrations of their power, when properly car- [carried] ried [red] out. The magistrates, however, decided that the mill was not his. He was a poor man-the gentleman wasarich [Zurich] man. The mill did not belong to the poor man, though it did belong to the poor man. (Laughter.) They decided on that platform, they signed their names on that table, that the mill did not belong to Charlesworth-which did belong to Charlesworth. (Hear and laughter.) Well, Charlesworth was not to be beaten. He broke the dam down again and again. There was an additional sin against him then. He had not only broken the dam down, but insulted her Ma- [Majesty] jesty's [jest's] justices of the peace, for they had declared their decision to be law, and what they declared to be law, was law, though it had never been law before. (Laughter.) The men were again sent to jail, and then the man's courage rose to its occasion and its necessity. He (Mr. R.) was compelled to speak of himself, although he did not like to do it-but he must in telling that story. It had so happened that constitutionally, ever since he was out of petticoats, and almost before that, he had loved to beard power wherever it appeared in the aspect of tyranny. It was his pleasure to take the strong man who was a cruel man and shake him to pieces. (Applause.) He loved it-gloried in it---had grown fat on it-and he hoped to do so still. (Hear, hear.) They sent these men to prison again, and then Charlesworth came to him. Now, he had no right but to believe that there were many lawyers-better lawyers than himself- [himself better] better able to explain their views to the magistrates than he had ever done or ever could hope to do; but still there was a belief in the working classes-he knew not how they had got it-that he spoke the truth, and that when he spoke even as a lawyer, even as a paid advocate-that when he spoke for the working men, it was with all his heart and soul in the matter, with a determination to obtain justice if justice was to be ob- [obtained] tained [gained] on earth. (Applause.) Charlesworth came to him-unabie [him-unable] to pay for even his poor services, and was obliged to have recourse to the subscriptions of friends- [friends persons] persons, some of whom were even poorer than himself; but when they that he (Mr. R.) was going to plead the case here was no difficulty in obtaining the requisite funds for the purpose. Hegloried [He gloried] in the fact, as hemight [might] well glory in the fact that the working classes had that confidence in him, when the case was a good one, to fur- [furnish] nish [ish] sufficient funds for placing him on the platform, in order that he might explain the law to the adminis- [admin- administrators] trators [orators] of justice. Charlesworth obtained sufficient fo- [other] the purpose, and he (Mr. R.) stood on that platform no less bold, no less confident, no less feeling that he was working God's will in endeavouring to obtain justice for the people, than he did at that very moment. The magistrates were very courteous, kind, and all the rest of it. Again they heard the case, Again they sat there for some two or three hours, with the same attorney for the plaintiff who bad obtained the conrictions [convictions] before. Heer. [Here] strates [states] long before he had done that.those two previous convictions were altogether unjust, that the men whom they had sent to prison had been sent wrong- [wrongfully] fully-but [but] they had another conviction-they thought it would be very foolish to do anything which would prove they ought not to have committed these men to prison. That was the great difficulty he had to contend with-but he had a power which scattered that to the winds. He looked upon the foregone conclusion-he looked upon the fact that if a magistrate decided one way as the strongest barrier, if he was wrong, against 'his ever doing right. The magistrate sticks to it, feeling that the more it is wrong the more n it is to stick to it-thinking that by sticking to it he will in the end make it right. (Hear, hear,and laughter.) He (Mr. R.) felt that he had a power that would utterly crush and scatter the power of that foregone conclusion to the winds. What was it Merely a significant hint to the gentlemen sitting on the bench-that the crowd, the mob as they were called, that the men who had brought him there, would take them, if they stood by their unjust decisions, to the Court of Queen's Bench. That was the power. The istrates [magistrates] went into that room (pointing to the anti-room on his left) for half an hour, and talked it over. He could imagine the nature of their consultation-there would not be many sen- [sentences] tences [fences] about it-they were convinced before they went there. It would be something like this-the first would say Well, what the d-1 are we to do now (Laugh- [Laughter] ter.) [te] Another would break in, I think we had better stick to the last decision, because we shall look such fools if we alter now. Well, but another would say, there is that Roberts, you know, will take us to what he calls the Courts above. And the third would chime in, I am sure I do not know what it is, but I think it is one of the judges who comes round at the assize time. Another would talk about a month or two elapsing before the matter came to the higher courts, when he would be reminded immediately by a friend, Why Mr. Roberts never says he will go to the Queen's Bench but in half-an-hour he is in the train for London ycu [you] forget that the pence of the working men have called forth a man in whom they have full confi- [confer- confidence] dence. [dene. Well, without pursuing this suppositious con- [conversation] versation [conversation] further, in half-an-hour they came out and said, The case is dismissed. He turned round and told Charlesworth, so confident was he of success, to go and pull down the dam directly, and he believed it was done. (Hear, hear.) Now, the magistrates had the same power as himself to refer to the Queen's Bench if they were right, but he never heard of them doing 0] ; on the contrary, in a week from the time Charlesworth's right was bought for upwards of 300. (Hear, hear.) Now what could they think of the conduct of that man What could they think of the conduct of those men who abetted him in retaining possession of this right- [right worth] worth to Charlesworth upwards of 300, without any acknowledgment, simply at the bid of the magistrates He had said before that his opponent in this case was a gentleman, but he would not hesitate to say that if one of the gentlemen on his right hand had taken Charles- [Charlesworth] worth's mill and water without paying for it he was the most rascally swindler that ever disgraced God's earth. (Hear, hear.) Now this was one forcible illustration of the doctrine of one law for the rich and another for the poor, and it was also a very strong illustration of the fact that if they did their duty to themselves there was every probability of their obtaining good law, when they would otherwise be the victims of injustice. (Hear, hear.) He had been during the day at Black- [Blackburn] burn, defending twenty-three men against a magistrate and an M.P. (Mr. Pilkington), who wished to punish these men for leaving their work. He told the magistrate that unless Mr. Pilkington altered his conduct every man in the factory should leave. This man who had been regularly beginning working his mill 10 minutes before six every morning, though the law enacted that such should not be done until six-tbis [six-this] man, who had again and again broken the law-threatened to send these men to gaol because they refused to submit to such a vidlation [violation] of the law. He (Mr. R.) felt and spoke for the working classes. He bore terror to the magis- [magic- magistrate] trate, [rate] and had the satisfaction of seeing these 23 men, instead of being handcuffed and carried to gaol, free as himself, and of shaking hands with them before he left. (Applause.) That was a joy that God had granted to him alone in all England. There were far greater orators than he could ever hope to be-there were men who Lal [All] done much more for the working classes than he could ever hope to effect, and such had their satis- [sates- satisfaction] faction as they went from place to place and witnessed their footsteps in the elevation of the hopes of the class they addressed-but the satisfaction of meeting twenty- [twenty] three prisonersand [prisoner sand] setting them free-to observe the knit brow and the stern countenance of the proud magis- [magic- magistrate] trate, [rate] and let them know that he would either make them honest men where they sat, or take them to London and pound them there until he succeeded in making them honest-this was a satisfaction which had alone been granted tohim [to him] through the length and breadth of the country. (Applause.) He stood there as the only lawyer whom the people ever trusted-as one to whom God had given a larger amount of success than ever was given to man before in the same glorious cause. (Hear, hear.) Thank God there were symptoms that they were moving to something better-the pur- [our- pursuits] suits of the working classes were far different from what they were formerly. It had been pointed out to him by many that there was far less drunkenness, and far less honour in drunkenness, and far more shame attached to it, than ever there had been before. He considered it as one of the best signs of the times. Sure he was that they would never obtain their freedom so long as they were a drunken population. (Hear, and applause.) Part of his time, when he could get away, was spent on the continent, and he found that in France, Italy, Switzerland, and even Germany, there was far less drunkenness than in this country. none of these countries where there had been those de- [determined] termined [terminated] efforts for freedom-and whatever others might say to the contrary, they had been, to a great extent, suc- [such- successful] cessful, [useful] fornever [never] would despotism again raise its head, not even in Austria itself, as it had done-the success of these efforts, he said, had been more or less attributable to the absence of intoxicating liquors. (Hear.) Another improvement would be traced in the fact that there was less talking, less of that brutal looking at cach [each] other without a thought, without akope. [ape] (Hear.) He had said that man did his duty who taught the people to think and to hope; and in nothing was this age more dis- [distinguished] tinguished [distinguished] from that which was past than in the power of the people to exalt their thoughts and cultivate their hopes. day to which he had previously referred it was with the profoundest conviction of their power whenever they were honest to each other. They went away con- [convinced] vinced [evinced] that magistrates could alter a decision, though given twice, when the people proved, by thronging to that hall, and by thcir [their] enthusiasm, that they were de- [determined] termined [terminated] to obtain justice either there or somewhere else. (Applause.) Now, there was another thing which distinguished this age from its predecessors-there was less violence not only in act but in talk. He recollected some twenty or thirty years ago that every movement of the working-classes was attended with violence; as was instanced in the burning of stacks and farm-houses, the intimidation of particular workmen, or violence to masters, which always attended every dispute between masters and men. This scemed [seemed] to him altogether altered-the working-classes had found that by peaceful combination they could obtain all they ought to have or desire. (Hear.) Now, he looked upon this as one of the strongest instances of present progress in their political movements. He liked them to have faith in themselves, and faith in one another. To trust to each other, to combine with each other, was not only the strongest means, butt the only means by which they could hope to obtain political power, or witness their social advance- [advancement] ment, [men] All those whom they had trusted and who had suffered for them, had come out of prison just as sincere-with no bravado, no braggadocio, but with the same sternness, the same determination to maintain their principles, as before they went there. (Hear, hear.) time ago they had had Mr. Ernest Jones talking to them in the same quiet, argumentative strain, as he had done before he went to jail, a proof that all persecution had been futile in making him swerve from the people's cause. (Hear, hear.) Every one of them who had been to prison had come out the same determined menthat [men that] they went in. It was utterly impossible for a person who advocated the principles of the Charter, who believed in their truth, to forsake them and cast them on one side because he had suffered for them; and that was one reason why they never shrinked [shrieked] from speaking for their principles most confidently, notwithstanding the dire torture and trouble which they might have to endure for a season whilst these princi- [Prince- principles] ples [poles] were making progress in the people's mind. (Hear.) There were other things-all the important questions which had been discussed were now carried. All the questions which he recollected as having a hold on the people's mind when he was a boy had, with one or two exceptions, been carried. There were the Catholic Claims, the Corporation and Tests Act, the Corn Laws, the Navigation Laws, had all been carried. (Hear, hear.) Reason had carried them all-reason under the name of fanaticism, had still maintained her ground. (Applause.) No more questions, excepting one or two, were ieft [left] for the House of Commons. Now, certainly, there were one or two vastly important questions, one of which was the education of the people, but placing that on one side, another large question that could be discussed was the extension of the suffrage. He believed that educa [Edgar] tion [ion] and the suffrage were identically the same things. He did not believe that if the people were educated they could still be denied the suffrage for morethana [Marathon] few months. He believed that they were, therefore, identi- [dent- identically] cally [call] the same. (Hear.). He believed that the hope which Lord John Russell had excited during the last session of parliament, as to an extension of the suffrage-and merely thrown out as a feeler to deceive them-arose from a conviction that such a measure could not be much longer delayed; and, therefore, he hoped that in the ensuing parliament some extension of the suffrage might be carried. He did not know to what extent it would be. He believed that if it came from the Whigs -and it must come from the Whigs if it came from any one-it would be a great abortion and he did think that whatever Lord John Russell introduced the péople [people] would let him know that he could not carry that or any- [anything] thing else without the enthusiasm of the people, and that the enthusiasm of the peopls [people] would never be given He (Mr. R.) laid down the law, and convineed [convinced] , When they went away from that hall on the' anything short of the People's Charter. (Hear, hear.) He believed these were facts which would enable them to obtain the suffrage for every sane man of twenty-one ears of age. They would see something of this in ebruary [February] next-not from any liking of Lord John Rus- [Us- Russell] sell for the suffrage, but because he feels that he must do it. It was very frequently the case in London that the omnibusses [Omnibus] remained stationary long after they were full, until the patience of some of the passengers was tried beyond their endurance, and they rose up to get out; then the driver just turned the whee round and stood still again until another threatened to get out, when the wheels were once more moved round. This process was continued until, finally, they moved off altogether. Well, Lord John Russell would move just in that way, but they would give him two or three turns more than he thought of. (Laughter.) There was another reason why Lord John Russell would move- [move he] he would move from a fear of revolution. He (Mr. R.) said it advisedly, that if there was one faith admi [admit] tted [ted] by the higher classes more than another, it was this, that the suffrage might be denied too long. He believed the Revolution in France was owing to the suffrage being too limited. Itwasthesamein Austria. (Hear.) Itwasa [Its] faith, common to all men's minds, Tories, Whigs, and Radicals, that there never had been a revolution which came too early-in fact, revolutions always came too late. It was the fear that there was too large a body of men in this country excluded from the suffrage-that there was a rankling feeling of injustice through five-sixths of Englishmen-that only one man in six had the power of making laws-that five had to obey the laws made by the sixth, who was very far from being the best man amongst them-that only one man in six had the power of voting--it was the fear that these things might in- [involve] volve [solve] the country in a revolution, which would induce the government to grant an extension of the suffrage. (Hear, hear.) Now, they saw some improvement in that direction with reference to Irish legislation in the last session. Lord John came forward avowedly on the ground that the constituency was too small and must be enlarged. He believed there was the same feeling with regard to this country. It must be enlarged, and he (Mr. R.) believed that Lord John was only checked in this feeling because his idea of enlarging was not the same as theirs. He would be contented that one in five or one in four should be enfranchised; now, they wanted every man. (Hear,hear.) Now, they were told that some measure was to be propounded when patlia- [partly- Parliament] ment [men] met again. He asked them to meet together as often as they could to talk over their rights and their wrongs-to look at the difficulty there was in obtaining and maintaining anything like justice and legislation on their behalf-to look at the vast amount of land uncul- [uncle- uncultivated] tivated, [Riveted] and all simply from the negation of principles which could do no harm but confer good upon all. (Applause.) Let them look at these things and attribute them to the right cause, namely, that legislation was all managed by one class. He knew there were two or persons in the House of Commons who represented the working classes. He thought it would be better if they were not there, because it created a sort of delusion that the people were represented. For what was the fact Why, whenever they rose to address the house their voices were either drowned with dis- [discordant] cordant [Jordan] cries, or they were listened to in solemn silence, without being replied to. However, he looked for bet- [better] ter [te] times. He asked them again to meet together, and whenever he could come amongst them it would afford him the most solid satisfaction to doso. [dose] He believed that the working classes had examined his whole life, and whatever his faults might have been, they had found no treachery to them; and therefore, whenever, by being amongst them, he could do any good, he would come. (Hear, hear.) He was glad they had got a Chartist Hall and School at Holmfirth. He was glad to meet them in that hall where he stood, for it was a greater fact than they might be disposed to think. A few years ago and they would have been religiously excluded now, they were recognised as having contributed to its erec- [ere- erection] tion, [ion] and as possessing a right to meet in it when they had occasion. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Roberts, after re- [referring] ferring to a remark by some one in the body of the meeting, as to whether he had not been well paid for coming, to which he replied that he always paid his own expenses when he went on pleasure, con- [concluded] cluded [eluded] by begging them to have faith in each other, to avoid anything like violence towards each other; to read the papers, to rouse the people, and then he did believe that if they simply did their duty their success was certain. The wheel of time was then in motion, and all they had to do was only to watch it in its course, and when it came to the Charter to stop it-it could not go beyond-and then they would obtain a legislature based upon the wishes of the working classes, from the working classes then, he believed that their coun- [con- country] try would be what had often been said, the glory of surrounding nations and the admiration of the world. (Loud applause.) The thanks of the meeting were then given to Mr. Roberts and the Chairman, after which the audience dispersed. LEEDS AND WEsT [West] RIDING TRADESMEN'S PROTECTION AssocIATION.-The [Association.-The] second annual dinner of this association, which was established for the protection of bankers, mer- [Mr- merchants] chants, and tradesmen generally throughout the West Riding, against the fraudulent designs of dishonest persons, took place at Leeds, on Wednesday afternoon, in the New Stock Exchange, under the presidency of W. Beckett, Esq., M.P., who was supported by D. Lupton, Esq., W. 8 Denison, Esq., and other leading gentlemen from Hud- [HUD- Huddersfield] dersfield, [Huddersfield] Bradford, Halifax, Wakefield, Sheffield, &c. The president, in proposing success to the society, said it was natural to inquire how far, after two years' experience, they were justified in continuing their support to this society, and whether they were conferring those benefits on the public which were anticipated at its establishment. It might be satisfactory to them to know that, before their establishment, the attempts at fraud and deception upon the honest trader were continuous, numerous, and suc- [such- second] and that, since the establishment of the institution, though these attempts had been continually repeated, he believed he was justified in saying that not one case of de- [deception] ception [option] that had been referred to this association had been successful. This institution was founded in 1848 by seven gentlemen. During that year it so progressed that it had numbered 400 members in 1849, and at the present time its members had increased to nearly 800. The remainder of the evening was spent in a pleasant and profitable manner. THE KEIGHLEY Gas WoRKS.-The [Works.-The] Commissioners under the Improvement Act have conferred a boon upon the town of Keighley which cannot be too highly appreciated, viz. the reducing of the price of gas to 5s. per 1,000 cubic feet, with a deduction o from five to twenty per cent, according to the quantity consumed, and greatly lowering the interest for loan of meters. The rates formerly levied for lighting and watching have been abandoned, the Com- [Commissioners] missioners, notwithstanding, feel themselves enabled, by economy, to maintain 160 public lamps in lighting and repairing, with the expenses attending upon four watch- [watchmen] men in winter and two in summer, bearing half the cost of the fire establishment, and over and above, reserving a surplus for repairs and extension of the works. THE RocuDaLE [Rochdale] Savines' [Savings] BANK.-On Thursday evening week, a meeting of the depositors in the Rochdale Savings Bank was held in the Public Hall, Baillie-street [Bailey-street] Mr. Edward Taylor took the chair, and opened the business by a long speech, explaining the proceedings of the committee since the last public meeting. Resolutions were passed authorising the depositors' committee to take steps for bringing the case of the deposito.1s [deposit.1s] before the legislature, with a view to obtaining assistance from the government. Messrs. Phillips, Tattersall, Simpson, Ashworth, and Barrow, took part in the proceedings, and expressed strong hopes of ultimate success. Mr. Henry Armytage took the opposite view, and declared his belief that any further application would be useless. A resolution was passed granting a levy of one h mny [may] in the pound on the sum deposited in the bank. -Manchester Guardian. HER MAJESTY AND THE LATE QUEEN ADELAIDE'S Domestics.-The Queen has generously extended her bounty to those members of the household of the late Queen Dowager whose length of servitude in the late King's establishment, and of Queen Adelaide, merited some per- [permanent] manent [mane] and yearly allowance. Lord John Russell and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, it is said, could not well come before the House of Commons and ask for a grant of public Money, although they acknowledged that many of the royal servants, from the length of their services, were en- [entitled] titled to much respect. The Queen generously came for- [forward] ward, and out of her own purse has caused yearly bounties, varying from 30 to 60, to be awarded to those persons whose claims are most prominent. A ParisH [Parish] DEFAULTER. A warrant was granted on Wednesday, at the Westminster Police Court, upon the appheation [apportion] of Mr. James Rogers, solicitor and vestry clerk, accompanied by Mr. Norris, one of the overseers of St. John's, Westminster, against Mr. William 'Thomas Restell, [Retell] upwards of fifteen years chief clerk of the gover- [over- governors] nors [nor] of the poor of the united parishes of St. Margaret's and St. John's, for embezzlement, he having absconded a few days ago with divers sums of money belonging to them, and being a defaulter to the amount of between 200 and 300. The circumstance has created very considerable surprise in the two parishes, more particularly as the de- [deficiency] ficiency [deficiency] above stated scarcely exceeds the amount of one ear's salary for the situation he held, and might have n much greater.-Sun. THE OWEN's COLLEGE.-The trustees of Owen's College have at length made choice of a principal for the new insti- [inst- institution] tution, [tuition] in the person of A. J. Scott, Esq., Professor of the English Language and Literature, and Dean of Faculty and Arts, in the University of London. In addition to being the principal of the new college at Manchester, Mr. Scott will hoid [hood] the Professorship of Logic and Mental Philo- [Phil- Philosophy] sophy, [Sophia] Grammar, and English Language and Literature. The salary for the former appointment being 350, and for the latter 200. To these sums will be added the fees paid by the students.- [students] Daily News. The Manchester Ex- [Examiner] aminer [miner] and Times of Wednesday denies the above state- [statement] ment, [men] ro. that no appointment has yet been made. A PoacHING [Poaching] AFFRAY NEAR ORMSKIRK.-On Thursday evening, a band of poachers, ight [it] in number, were found by three of the Earl of Derby's keepers, in Bickerstaffe, in pursuit ofgame. [of game] The keepers attacked them, but, after a long and dangerous combat, the poachers escaped. Two of the keepers, Thomas Aspinall and Henry Prescott, were severely and dangerously wounded on the head with blud- [blue- bludgeons] geons, [aeons] and one of the poachers was severely bitten on the leg by one ot the keepers' dogs. Information was received by the police about two o'clock the next morning, and shortly after the notorious poacher Thomas Jones, alias Laddio, [Laid] was taken into custody, when it was found that he was the one who was bitten, and that his leg was lleeding [leading] profusely. Thomas Eastham, nailor, [tailor] and Thomas Calderbank, were afterwards taken; they were taken before the Jandel [Handel] se bein [being] remanded until Wednesday. identified as part of the band.-Liverpoot [band.-Liverpool] NATIONAL SECULAR EDUCATION. IMPORTANT PUBLIC MEETING IN HUDDERSFIELD. On Wednesday evening last an important and well- [well attended] attended meeting was convened in the Philosophical Hall, to consider the propriety of appointing a Deputa- [Deputy- Deputation] tion [ion] to attend the Educational Conference to be held in Manchester on the 30th instant, with the view of maturing a scheme for securing a National System of Secular Education, supported by local rates, and under the control of local authorities elected by the ratepayers. We observed on the platform and in the body one meeting, Joseph Batley, Esq., T. P. Crosland, Esq., C.S. Floyd, Eaq., [Esq] William Crosland, Esq., Joseph Shaw, Esq., Thomas Brook, Esq., Mr. G. S. Phillips, secretary of the Huddersfield Mechanics' Institution, Rev. Mr. Montgomery, Unitarian Minister; Rev. Mr. Hanson, Baptist Minister, Milnsbridge; Mr. William Moore, Mr. Hornblower, Mr. W. P. England, Mr. Thomas Webb, Mr. Joseph Batley, jun., Dr. Watts, (of Manchester,) and a number of other gentlemen. Shortly before eight o'clock Mr. W. MoorE [Moor] rose to propose that THoMas [Thomas] PEaRSON [Pearson] CrosLaND, [Crosland] Esq. do take the chair, which was seconded by Mr. C. S. FioyD, [Food] and adopted with applause. ; The CHAIRMAN, in opening the proceedings of the evening, assured them that it had required a great effort on his part, and the earnest entreaties of many of his friends around him, before he could decide on appearing before them. But when he considered the part he had taken in convening them together, and when he felt happy and grateful that to a very great extent the cause which threatened to have prevented his attendence [attendance] was being removed (alluding to the serious illness of George Crosland, Esq., an announcement which was received with the strongest expressions of pleasure by the whole meeting), he assured them that he responded most pleasurably to their call. (Hear, hear.) The question they were met to discuss was one of great importance, not only to the present generation but to genera tions [tins] yet unborn. (Hear, hear,.) He believed it was clear to every rational and thinking mind that neither the quantity nor the quality of education afforded to the working classes of the present day was such as could or ought to satisfy the minds of a thinking public. (Hear,) Then the question neces- [NeWS- necessarily] sarily [surely] forced itseif [its] on their minds- How is this state of things to be altered A great many thought that voluntary effort-that the systems then in being were equal to the emergency. He believed that more gigantic efforts were necessary. It appeared very clear to his own mind, and he thought they would agree with him, that if they possibly could place the people of this country in an independent position, and enable them to educate their own children-(what he meant by an independent position was, to pay for it themselves and have it under their control)--the sooner they were placed in that position the better, for he could not believe that the parents of children of the working classes wished them to have a pauper education. (Hear, hear.) Although such might be a strong term to use, as long as they were relying on the charity of others, whether voluntary or otherwise, it was very much like pauper education. There was another reason against depending upon voluntaryism; [voluntary] they found in all places -in all large towns particularly, that all their charitable institutions-their mechanics' insti- [inst- institutions] tutions, [institutions] their schools of all classes, their infir- [infirm- infirmaries] maries, [Marie] and their charities, whatever name they might give them-were supported mainly by one por- [or- portion] tion [ion] of the community. They found the same names attached to all of them, and the very few had to do the work which ought to be done by the many. (Hear. hear.) It had been stated, after their friend Dr. Watts lectured in Huddersfield, during the early part of the year-in very high quarters, and very boldly stated too, that the people of Huddersfield were no in favour of secular education. Many who were present on that occasion thought that such statements ought not to go forth to the world without being refuted. (Applause.) It had been decided that the most proper way to meet and refute them-especially as it was very clear that educa- [Edgar- education] cation was to form a most important topic of discussion in the ensuing session of parliament-was to convene the inhabitants of Huddersfield, and by proceedings like the present, to obtain a decision whether they were or were not in favour of secular education. (Hear, hear.) It was not by any means the wish of the promoters of that meeting that any system of education that might become the law of the land should be placed in the hands of government officials. On the contrary, the great object of those who were favourable to that move- [movement] ment [men] was, that local rates should be collected for the purposes of education-that the boards having the management of those funds and schools should be men elected from and by the ratepayers, and that the whole should be under local control. (Hear.) He was not aware of any other scheme that offered the same advantages to the nation at large as the one about to be referred to by the gentlemen around him. (Hear, hear.) Having made these observations, it would now be his duty to conduct their proceedings without partiality to any; and should any gentleman in the meeting wish to make any com- [comments] ments, [rents] or propose any amendments to the resolutions, they should have the protection of the chair in doing so. He would endeavour to obtain that quiet and order which were requisite for the right discussion of the question, and of drawing a correct conclusion. (Hear, hear.) The first resolution would be moved by JOSEPH Esq., of Armitage Bridge, who, on rising was received with loud applause, and said-Mr. Chairman and gentlemen,-I am sure I express the feelings of the meeting as well as my own when I say we are highly gratified that you, through the kind ar- [arrangements] rangements [arrangements] of Providence, are permitted to lend your assistance this evening. (Hear, hear.) Gentlemen, I have a resolution to propose to you this evening which is one of considerable importance and itis [its] a resolution which involves a question respecting which there is a great diversity, as well as some oposition [position] or conflict of opinion. I should have been glad if some one more able than myself had been entrusted with the advocacy of this resolution. All I can now do is to throw myself upon the candour and the patience of the meeting. (Hear, hear.) The resolution is as follows - That the educational wants of the people, and the social claims of the working population, loudly call for the establishment of Free Public Schools, for secular instruction, supported by local rates, and under local control. Gentlemen, I think that when the social claims of the hard working population of this country have been thoroughly investigated-when these claims are rightly understood and duly appreciated, I believe that the assurance-that the demand for a national provision for the instruction of their children will become too im- [in- important] portant, [important] too general, and too urgent to be resisted. (Hear, hear.) I have confidence, whatever may be said to the contrary-I have confidence in the generosity and Justice of the British public. I have confidence in that public opinion of Great Britain which has decided that the working man's bread shall not be taxed for the benefit of a class. I have confidence in that public opinion that has decided that the hours of factory labour shall be limited to women and children. (Hear, hear.) I have confidence in that public opinion which has already decided that sanitary laws should be enacted to render the working-man's dwelling more healthy; and I have full confidence that that public opinion, will, ere long, decree that public schools shall be opened through- [throughout] out the kingdom in which every child in the kingdom shall have secular education. (Applause.) The struggle for cheap bread was an arduous and protracted struggle, but it was a successful one. The struggle for cheap education may be an arduous, a protracted, and a severe struggle, but it will be a successful one. There are men, and I believe their number is increasing, who know how to appreciate the value and importance of British labour; labour in the fields, the factory, the mines, the foundry, workshop, the home and the commercial marine of this country, and who know that labour is the chief element in the production of national wealth. There are men, and I believe their numbers are increasin [increase] ig, who know that the safety of this vast empire, the security of its free institutions, the preservation of its liberty and property and wealth, the upholding of its high national character-that all these depend far more upon the in- [intelligence] telligence, [intelligence] the intellectual, moral, and social elevation of the millions, than upon our fleets and armies (hear, and applause) and there are Christian men-I say it with confidence-there are Christian men, whose estimate of the value and importance of religion is as high, and whose concern for its diffusion and the pre- [preservation] servation [Conservative] of its interests is as deep, as those of myself or any religious educationists could be;-(hear.)-Chris- [Christian] tian [tin] men who know that the arts of reading and writing and arithmetic, with some knowledge of grammar and. geography, communicated under the discipline of a well regulated school, would be an invaluable benefit to the poor man's child, and who think that so far from these mental exercises being an obstacle to religious instruc- [instruct- instruction] tion, [ion] they would better prepare the mind for the recep- [recipe- reception] tion [ion] of religious truth. (Hear.) Gentlemen if I were asked the question what country is most indebted of all others to the patient industry, the unconquerable in- [industry] dustry [industry] of its working population, for its greatness and power, I should at once say it was Great Britain. If I were asked in what country are the owners of property and the possessors of wealth under the most pressing obligations to make a national provision for the education of its working population I should at once say Great Britain. If there be a class of men in any country who can claim such a provision as a right, it is the toiling millions of Great Britain. (Hear, and applause.) There are few-a very small fraction-who recognise this obligation, and I honour them from my heart. I honour them for their praiseworthy efforts in the cause of public education, but they are so few, and can do at the utmost so little, when we take into consi- [cons- consideration] deration [duration] the whole country-the e rural districts and the great many populous man uring [ring] vi 3, I feel sure that the educational wants of the people, taking them all into consideration, are too extensive and too urgent to be left to the precarious, uncertain, and limited efforts of private ity. [it] (Hear,hear.) If the necessity for popular education is a social, a necessity, I contend that the obligation is equally social and equally national, (Applause.) Iam [I am] aware that it would require some tng [ng] wee complish [accomplish] this object; but we mus me orien [Orient] I do not attach much importance rl, ee E, have been advanced by Her Majesty liament [Parliament] against any proposed . tion. [ion] Why, it is a gratification for mind. (Hear, and applause.) Let the an. I destitution be inv. [in] be published, and let it be shown, a5 lan can be shown, that the educational wa, 2 cannot be met by the efforts of perceive there will be a gentle pressure that both the parliament an, eth convenient to meet. (Hear) mi ink must bide their time, as Sip - about the corn laws. They must ORE Phe [The] of neutral or rather nogative [native] positon [position] T of public opinion rises high enough to path she, that bigotry and sectarian rivalry a te have set up against it. (Hear, hear) Tao shall have a good deal to do to expose th M2 wera [were] tations [stations] which have been made as to Nag, Shan [San] but, as I have said before, we must moor 4. ty Some persons oppose a national schome [scheme] Tew because it interferes with, or rather is an mg ttn [ten] domestic constitution, believing that the mit educate children is an individual, a pep, obligation, and not national therefore - be no aid given to them unless it's volun, [voluntary] which the parent is at liberty cither [either] Very well; you will admit that it is ay, ab & individual obligation, it is just as mnch [much] gation [nation] for a man to feed and clothe his educate them, but yet the law of the 4 property of the kingdom responsible 3, . nance of those who cannot maintain then, hear.) The law of the land compels Seems property to contribute to the maintenan.... [maintenance] 8 ' oannot [cannot] maintain themselves and ching ,. grant that it is a wise, ahumane, [human] makes a provision for physical destittimn, [destination] And I ask you, gentlemen, if a law be mui. [mi] vides [sides] for the preservation and supp y .,, oh intellectual destitution-can that be i lay 5 or opposite character. (Hear, hear.) perceive it. IRfit [EFT] is easy for money an) 1-4, connection to make a provision for physic) . it is easy for money and Christianity for intellectual and moral destitution. 4... applause.) Because I need not say it is pau, [pay] tion-it [ion-it] is well known-that there tens of thousands who cannot be educate.) ,,.... parents have not the means. They mnxr [Manx] -.., dying man must have air, and the nacin [nan] The nation must not the less provide the poor child. (Hear, hear.) Well. chief opposition we have to meet with who make this a religious question. Hey will be opposed by those who make i 4 -... science to oppose secular Vjy [VJ] - tlemen [gentlemen] assume that that education is irreligious-consequently that secular on... being religious, therefore, it is irrelicuns, [religions] conscience compels them to oppose , os say, with all respect, but I say it most I deny that assumption most tutally- [total- naturally] hu consequently I reject all the conelusin. [conclusion] , drawn from that assumption. It iloes [aloes] nur [our] 4) secular education is not decidedly an sively [lively] religious, therefore that it is reli [deli] by a religious education is meant zh ereeds [reeds] and catechisms, the disputation - dogmas if it means instructing children 4 - nN LF - Tet - OPA [OP] t ike [like] 5 ments, [rents] then I ask, is it right to sar, [sa] -hy available means of instruction -of reading, of writing, and of instruction which only refuses those logical doctrines, but leaves open a w le ie moral, and domestic obligations,- right to hold up that as irreligious, godless, in which excludes nothing of religion bat incr [ince] ow theology I say it is not right to sar [sa] so. I ask, is it a less evil to leave the child of -h who has not the means to educate it. to wanir [warning] 5 fields and in the streets untaught,-to beeom [been] with ail the abuses and evils of such a strum. open schools for him, where he can series of instruction and mental discipli [discipline] speedily have a very beneficial inttue [inter] life I ask, is it a less evil to do this' ing to decide. (Hear, hear.) What th I course of secular education in reading. wren mar, geography, in the ineuleation [insulation] of soetal, [steal] wos [wis] and even religious duties,-what there vin [in] 5 offend the conscience I cannot tell. bunwur [sunburn] who is faithful to the convictious [convictions] of bis when that conscience is influenced by the semis of Christianity. When that couselence [silence] 3 sive [side] 28 vast, the boundless, generous, benticient [scientific] Christianity ;-a spirit that is not contne [continue wn ao hearts of a sect or a party-(hear, 4 - that will permit a man at any time, and 'nw do all in his power to promote the soci [soc] spiritual well-being of his fellow man. What there can be to violate such a conse [cone] valuable course of instruction to the pour I never could perceive, and the further more unaccountable does such a thevry [there] up not a believer in the perfect rectitude and nia. [ina] conscience. I find that its decrees are selfish and very i (Hear, bear some of the foulest acts of tyranny an it darken the pages of ecclesiastical Listy [List] [C] perpetrated under the plea of conseeu [cons] But you will perhaps better this conscientious opposition to secar [scar] you will allow me to suppose a case. Lt that in this important town a Huddersfield there are a certain number men who have children of their own 4 cated; [acted] they of course want no to educate their children. They possess of giving them a first-rate education bus proposed to open schools for pour sQuaren [square] parents have not the means of educatmy [educated] Wet. these same gentlemen rise up in opposition Ws cannot in conscience permit these schoois [schools] ye cause it is improper to have secular struction [instruction] ta 2 Wor [Or] mi from religious. Now, suppose these sentient their children to that first-rate imstitutien [institution] te field College-you will admit that chet [chest] secular school-they receive in that Be an education as secular in character us wut [wit] to be given in the free national schow' [show] denominational, alike non-sectarian, 20 would be excluded from the one than &S ex tha [that] other; and if any man was to stand wp ut the education received at the godless and irreligious education, that wen uttering a vile calumny-and it 8 df calumny for a man to stand up and tat tion [ion] proposed to be given at the nativnal [national] godless one. (Hear, and applause.) f the gentlemen who can approve of a secur. [secure] school for their own children, but can and plead conscience against such an children, then I think I am warranted 'n decrees of conscience are not always generous, and perfectly impartial. Appa [Papa] this conscientious opposition to secular children reminds me of a case of copseletee [capsuled] most of you have read. It took place ents [ants] years ago. It was on the Sabbath-lay. amt course were assembled to hear the liscourses discourse] 1 Teacher. In that concourse, aad [and] within that Great Teacher, was a poor female. bound with disease that she could not 4 and she had borne that disease for eightee [eight] Great Teacher laid his hands on ber. [be] 1 words were accompanied with 208 [W] said Woman, thou art loosed from ftv [ft] andimmediately [and immediately] she was madestraightane [magistrate] sr But the chief man of the -he entered his protest against this Sabbath; he said in his indignation and science, There are six days, said he, ought to work, in them come and be the Sabbath day. But mark the reply vf Teacher Thou hypocrite, doth not loose his ox or his ass from the stall om the SH lead them away to the watering, and shalt 2 f man, who is a daughter of Abraham, os bound these eighteen years, be loosed 'rush on the Sabbath-day And his adversaries ed. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) ... [C] make use profanely of the authoritative Great Teacher, but I would say to all with all respect-might it not be sud [sid] 1 nents [rents] of secular education for poor children. a each of you send your soms [Sons] to receive tion [ion] at a first-rate secular school, so may be prepared for the business of life 40 ire oppose the opening of schools for sO T ime [me] mg bis uh zen poor vhildren. [children] they may be qualifieed [qualified] for the business of 28. tlemen, [gentlemen] I have no confidence in the perfte [Peter sy. conscience, unless that conscience be unutt [nut] ence [once] of the generous spirit of Christianity. Now, I hope I shall not be understood to 8 thing disrespectful of the institution 10 gsc [sc] alluded. It is a non-denominational, oD xy. 3 tution-but [tuition-but] it is one of the best im [in] the OMY [MY] deserves anything but the name of un one. (Applause.) I think it ought to be DFE [DE] as that the population of the United Kinglom [Kingdom] wm at the rate of 400,000 souls annually, than a thousand souls a day; and, [C] ye are every day more dependent [C] ue pote [Porte] and prosperity of our we we i facturing [manufacturing] system; eve therefore, 8 ime [me] dependent upon the skal [seal] an intelligence, 0 hams of our working classes. (Hear, and app ps8 [ps] these facts-indisputable facts-to Y ai one or two very important ioe [ie] np wey [we] ye Hee [Her] questions- we cannot over, and which 10 . country ought to evade or shut ash DEM the first is this, Are the eer [er] ed sions [Sons] of this country sufficient in iy ms to meet the necessity of this vast Tt ing population I think not is, Can it be reasonably hoped chat