Huddersfield Chronicle (06/Jul/1850) - page 6

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7 ut mi ak. the i than by sending -.- proceeded -The absurdit [absurd] fifteen vessels of at iy evident. Almost everybody - 213 Confess, Trwaited [Treated] ;Pacifico, [Pacific] chhe [che] British fleet. 6 THE HUDDERSFIELD CHRONICLE, SATURDAY, JULY 6, 1850. IMPERIAL PARLIAMENT. HOUSE OF LORDS. Friday, June 28. THE ATTACK ON HER MAJESTY. uis [is] of LANSDOWNE drew the attention of the beuse [because] Marne dastardly outrage committed on her majesty on Thursday evening, and after expressing his admiration of the courage and firmness manifested by her majesty on the occasion, stated that under all the circumstances he did not feel bound to call on their lordships to express any formal opinion on the subject, ing satisfied that but one sentiment of loyalty and attachment to the throne existed in the house. The announcement of the noble marquis was received with loud cheers, which were reiterated when Lord STANLEY, in a short but most eloquent speech, expres- [express- expressed] sed [se] his indignation at the cowardly assault, and his satisfaction at the unanimous expression of loyalty which it had elicited from her majesty's faithful sub- [subjects] jects. [sects] i pear the time. hat Law Commission, which had been suffered to expire, should be reap- [reappointed] pointed, and that the pill should be referred to it for revision. . f the day was then discharged. ee of Earl Grey, the report on the Aus- [As- Australian] tralian [Australian] 'os Bill was brought up and received. On the wotion [motion] of the Earl of CaRLISLE [Carlisle] the Metro- [Metropolitan] politan [politician] Interments Bill was read a second time and ordered to be committed on Thursday. The General Board of Health Bil [Bill] was also read a second time and ordered to be committed on Monday. The house then adjourned. Monday, July 1. LIAMENTARY [PARLIAMENTARY] VOTERS' (IRELAND) BILL. On into committee, the first amendment, moved by Lord St. and suggesting that the franchise should only be extended to the occupiers of land rated to the poor-rate at a net annual value of 12, instead of 8, as provided by the bill, was postponed, after an explanation by Lord of his willing- [willingness] ness to adopt the principle of an 8 houschold [household] rating, instead of a rating to the samme [same] amount on the Lord Desart [Depart] then proposed an amendment to substi- [subsist- substitute] tute 15 for 8, as the lowest amount of occupation which would confer a vote. . The Bishop of Down supported the lower qualifica- [qualification- qualification] tion, [ion] and bore testimony to the respectability of the class of persons in his own diocese whom it would en- [enfranchise] franchise. . Lord Stantey [Stanley] denied that the 8 ratepayers, even in the diocese of Down, were persons of such intelligence or in such a position as would enable them to form a sound judgment or exercise independent action in pub- [public] lic [li] affairs. He had no desire to narrow the franchise, but with a 15 qualification they would have, exclusive of freeholders, 180,000 county electors in Ireland, which would give a much larger average than the English counties possessed. Lord SHREWsBURY [Shrewsbury] would extend the franchise to the small shopkeeper and the small farmer, for he had no doubt that they would exercise it in favour of protec- [protect- protection] tion. [ion] Lord WHARNCLIFFE [ARNCLIFFE] proved by statistics, which he quoted at length, that even if the 8 qualification were adopted, there would be in Ireland but one elector to 22 of the population, while in England there was one in 24, and in Wales one in 23. The present state of i was most dangerous, and he hoped that the change would be made now, when all was quiet, instead of waiting until parliament might be compelled to make larger concessions. Lord MotntcasHEL [Identical] supported the amendment, and Lord DuFrFrerin [Dufresne] the lower qualification. Lord CaRLisLE [Carlisle] quoted statistics to prove that the 15 qualification proposed in the amendment would very inadequately recruit the Irish constituency, but entreated their lordships to act in the spirit of enlight- [enlighten- enlightened] ened [end] foresight, which they had so often displayed, and take advantage of the present lull of political excite- [excitement] ment [men] to place the franchise on a respectable footing, and give Ireland a constituency of which she need not be ashamed. Lord Brovenam [Broken] thought that the adoption of the 8 qualification would seriously and signally deteriorate the House of Commons. They were not legislating for England, or even for the north of Ireland only, but also for the south, and he desired their lordships to observe not only the proportion of voters, but of paupers to population. Why, one-third of the whole people were paupers He had always been in favour of extending the franchise to the great body of our intelligent, hard-headed artisans, who were much more independent than most of those who were already elec- [elect- electors] tors; but he protested against the Reform Act being altered without better reasons than had been shown in this case. After some explanations from Lord St. Germans, who deprecated the virtual rejection of the bill by the adop- [adopt- adoption] tion [ion] of Lord Desart's [Depart's] amendment, and repeated his own suggestion of a 12 rating as a compromise, Lord reminded Lord Brougham of his celebrated address to their lordships on the Reform Bill, and recommended them to consider whether it was wise for them to interfere in measures affecting the re- [representation] presentation of the people. The Marquis of Lanspowne, [Lansdowne] after the opinions he had heard expressed, could not doubt that an 8 fran- [ran- franchise] chise [chase] was too low; and though he had, from respect to the other House, submitted that proposal to their consideration, he should now consent that this provi- [prove- provision] sion should be negatived. Their Lordships then divided upon Lord Desart's [Depart's] amendment for substituting a 15 qualification, which was carried against ministers by a majority of 72 to 50. The House then resumed, the bill was ordered to be committed on Friday, and their Lordships adjourned. Tuesday, July 2. EDUCATIONAL GRANT. The Earl of moved fora select committee to inquire into the operations and effect of the system under which the annual grant of money for the pur- [our- purposes] poses of education is administered. The noble earl entered into a lengthened examination of the details of the plan, and pointed out a number of regulations which he said required amendment. The Marquis of though not averse to the committee, thought it too late to appoint for the pre- [present] sent session, and, if postponed until next session, government would not oppose the motion. Their lordships were next addressed by Lord Lyttle- [Little- Lyttleton] ton, Lord Kinnaird, the Bishop of Salisbury, Earl of Chichester, Bishop of Oxford, Earl of Carlisle, and Lord Stanley, and on a division the motion was negatived by a majority of five. Their lordships then adjourned, HOUSE OF COMMONS. Friday, June 28, FOREIGN POLICY.-ADJOURNED DEBATE. Mr. Cocksurn [Jackson] proceeded, in a strain of the highest eloquence, to vindicate the foreign policy of the govern- [government] ment, [men] maintaining that the great aim of that policy was to preserve Europe from falling, on the one hand, under the sway of despotism, or from being carried away, on the other, by an unbridled republicanism. After a few words from Mr. Gladstone, in explanation of previous statements, Mir. WALPOLE rose to oppose the motion, and com- [complained] plained that throughout the discussion so little was said upon the great question-the occupation of the islands in dispute and he could not help viewing as very significant that the supporters of the government were oblivious upon the question. . Mr. Moxxron [Mexican] Mitnes [Mines] allowed that both parties in the debate displayed great political ability but with regard to the principal point of the motion-the accu- [ac- accusations] Sations [Stations] against Lord Palmerston-he believed that, not- [notwithstanding] withstanding the ability and zeal with which those goousations [questions] were preferred, neither the people of Eng- [Eng] oe nations of Europe would consider his policy Mr. Cobden and Mr. D'Israeli her. the latter honourable member having given oe bat Mr. CoBDEN [Cobden] Was anxious to consider this question on its legitimate issue, not for the purpose of indulging in any persona ee and seeing nothing in the question which involved any plot or conspi [cons pi] He desired to be exonerated from the charge preferred against those who would not support the motion, that they were advocates of despotism. He, at, least, was no ally of Russia. The first question was the conduct of the Government towards Greece. He would state in a few words the case of Mr. Finlay. He was one of a hundred persons who sold land to the Greek Government; the others had agreed on the terms of payment, but he re- [refused] fused; a controversy ensued, and then appeared a British fleet in the Bay of Salamis. In the case of M. a his house was attacked he handed his dis. bill to the Greek Government, and then came ' L Mr. Cobden expounded the other grievances in the same compendious manner, and asked af there was no other way of settling such trifling mat- [mat fifteen] fifteen ships-of-war. Mr. Cobden having to employ a debt of 6,000 is é whom I have spoken to on the subject has said, depend upon it there is some- [something] thing else behind that you are not in the secret. I for the speech of the noble lord with war to collect ys ion. of hearing that there was something in vie eared 'which we had not heard. I am ere tine ate wha [what] fancythat [fancy that] they have got an ink- [unconsecrated] nociegreshed [nourished] SOF [OF] she matter 'the noblelord [noble lord] by the demon- [dependencies] - im in] to menace 2 Benen [Been] s That Rites ing treabhwoné; [drawing] attached and that itWwas [its] time to 'gin bat sii [si] Show bas [as] . it amas [mas] 2 caprt [cart] f Russia hears of this demonstrationa [demonstration] COS Oe it to the government of this country-a remonstrance, I must say, couched in language which I never expected to read end there. ial [al] i dhe [he] most inconsistent man on as addressed form the government of that semi-bar- [barbarous] barous [Bros] country to the government of this country. Let hon. members read in the 127th page of the blue-book the language addressed by Count Nesselrode to Lord Palmerston, and see what is the language used. I want to know what advantage there has been in the course adopted when one consequence is a very hectoring epistle from Count Nesselrode, to which there is such a very meek and lamb-like reply One of the reasons why I abhor this unjust aggression-for I call it an un. just aggression to send these ships-of-war when other means of obtaining redress were open-(hear, hear)-is that we have been obliged to submit to such language as that used by the Russian court. You were then weak towards Russia, only because you had committed an in- [injustice] justice, and were conscious of it. Otherwise, so far from this country ever being in a position in which she could be bullied by Russia, such is the power which civiliza- [civil- civilization] tion [ion] and the advance of mechanical science give to her as compared with Russia, that if you behave with dig- [dignity] nity [city] to smaller states, Russia would not dare even to look disparagingly at you, much less to take any hostile steps. I have asked why was not this matter settled in some other way than by the sending of the ships-of-war to Greece. I am now come to that part of the case which, in my judgment, places the conduct of the Foreign-office in a position altogether inexcusable. There are certain hon. gentlemen who last year did me the honour of voting for the motion which I brought forward in favour of international arbritration. [arbitration] Hear, hear, and laughter.) Now I address myself to those hon. gentlemen. I ask hon. gentlemen opposite to take a survey of my friends, and to see whether there is any consciousness on their part that they ought to vote for -(The remainder of the sentence was lost amidst a burst of cheers and laughter.) The motion which I brought forward last year was that in all cases in which disputes could not be settled by amicable negotiation, recourse should, if possible, be had to arbitration. My friends may say, It is clear that the noble lord could not refer this case to arbitration, other- [otherwise] wise he would have done so. Now my charge against the noble lord is this, that he did resort to arbitration after he sent a force of fifteen ships of war to Athens. (Hear, hear,) No sooner is this demonstration known than an envoy arrives from France with tenders of me- [mediation] diation. [donation] Now I must say I was inspired with feelings nearly akin to contempt for diplomacy when I read the account of the interview which took place between the noble lord and M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys. [Hus] I have read both the account furnished to the National Assembly, and that published in our own blue book, and I must con- [confess] fess that I have felt the most sovereign contempt for diplomacy since M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys [Hus] comes over here in the most loyal spirit to offer to settle this beggarly affair of a few thousand pounds in Greece. He frankly told the noble lord, and the noble lord has repeated his declara- [declare- declaration] tion [ion] to Lord Normanby, that it would even be useful to the French government to be allowed to settle the matter; that is to say, to use a phrase common in America, it would have given them political capital in France. Now, how did the noble lord receive M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys [Hus Was it in the way in which any man of business, any man accustomed to the common affairs of life, would have received him Did he say, We are very much obliged to you; it is an affair of some thousands of pounds which has for a long time been kept open, and we shall be very much obliged to the government of France if they will settle it for us. Would not that have been a rational and business-like course But, instead of that, what was the course pur- [our- pursued] sued by the noble lord Why he higgles [Wiggles] with M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys [Hus] over the different words, good offices, mediation, and arbritration. arbitration. I declare that neither in the English nor the French official publica- [public- publications] tions [tins] respecting this affair can I make out the distinction. But the noble lord insists upon it. He will not take an arbitration it must not be a mediation-it must be good offices. M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys, [Hus] in the French ac- [account] count given by himself to General Lahitte, [Latte] describes himself as having entreated the noble lord to expand the powers with which he was invested-he besought the noble lord to allow him to become an arbitrator in the matter. (Hear, hear.) No, no; it was decided upon. (Hear, hear.) All we would allow the French to do was to exercise their good offices in persuading the Greeks to do what was required. Well, Baron Gros [Gross] goes to Athens crippled with these conditions. He sets to work with Mr. Wyse; [Wise] and, as I think after reading the account, with the most earnest desire to settle the matter in dispute between the two parties. In fact, his character as a diplomatist was largely con- [concerned] cerned [cent] in the success of his mission, and he proceeded with an evident disposition to surmount every possible obstacle. But when he came to the case of M. Pacifico, [Pacific] and when he heard from all the respectable people in Athens with whom he was forced into communication the real facts of that case; when, in vulgar phrase, he found that it was an atrocious attempt at swindling, he could not swallow that case, and the matter broke off. At the very time when these proceedings were going on at Athens commenced the good offices between the noble lord and M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys [Hus] in London. So that there were two negotiations going on at a distance of two thousand miles, each having for its object the settlement of this unimportant affair. The matter ended as might have been expected. Through the failure of a courier, or the neglect to put a letter in the letter-bag, the affair was broken off; and preliminary conditions had been agreed upon in London, ships of war proceeded to Athens, the government of Greece submitted, and you (addressing the government) got your money. Well, what followed The French government, taking offence at the course which had been pursued, withdraws its minister. And now comes the climax of my case against the noble lord for not having accepted arbitration before. Actually after your ships of war at Athens had extorted the money, and when a large part of the amount lay in the bank, the noble lord has consented to the most humiliating course; for, I consider that communi- [common- communication] cation of Lord Normanby's to be humiliating; and I consider that of M. Drouyn [Drown] de Lhuys [Hus] to be still more humiliating, for it is what the French call tres [tees] froid. Through the withdrawal of the French ambassador you have been obliged to put an end to all that you did with your fifteen ships of war. (Expressions of dissent.) All that the vessels of war did you have been compelled to nullify. (Hear, hear.) Yes, you have certainly agreed to substitute for it the convention of London. (Interruption.) Why, have you not agreed to substi- [subsist- substitute] tute the convention of London for those terms Nay, more, have you not agreed to give up the money lodged in the bank as a guarantee for M. Pacifico's [Pacific's] claim (Hear, hear.) What do you call that When it is lodged in the bank the French tell you that you must give it up, and must accept the terms agreed upon by the convention of London. But my complaint does not The system pursued by the noble lord with respect to foreign affairs is one calculated to breed pri- [pro- private] vate [ate] quarrels. What has arisen out of this matter First, you have submitted to a rebuke from Russia and to humiliation from France. But the question is not settled now. (Hear, hear.) There are three arbitrators appointed to settle whether M. Pacifico's [Pacific's] claims in re- [respect] spect [sect] of Portugal are valid. So that my friends will see that, after employing all this force, the government have been obliged to resort to arbitration to settle this dispute, and that there are matters still resting over which require the arbitration of three courts. (Hear, hear.) Now, I cannot imagine a more complete triumph for the principle which I advocated last year, and which was supported by 80 members of this house, than is exhibited by the details of these proceedings. ( Oh, ob, from benches on the ministerial side of the house.) Why, there are hon. gentlemen behind me who are groaning. (Laughter.) Iam [I am] not surprised at their groans they must be groaning at the thought of their own inconsistency to-night. (Laughter.) What are we called upon to do in being asked to vote for the hon. and learned gentleman's motion Why, we are asked to vote that this matter has been most fairly, justly, and delicately managed. I do not at all think it is finished for, independently of those three arbitrators upon M. Pacifico's [Pacific's] claims, and independently of the good offices, there are, mind you, certain ominous little legacies left. It appears from the last despatch of Ge- [General] neral [general] Lahitte [Latte] to Lord Normanby that the French have promised to use their good offices to prevent any future quarrel between the Greeks and ourselves, and I should not wonder if some dispute were to arise out of that. There is also an intimation from Russia that she has some claims to make for some vessels belonging to Russia having been stopped in one of the ports of Greece, and Baron Brunnow [Brown] has fairly given notice that he will have to demand reclamations. I should not wonder if, before long, we were engaged in a dispute with Russia with respect to these claims. All this has arisen just because the foreign-office would not submit the whole of this pettifogging business to arbitration. In the first instance, France would then have been proud to do what this country has at last submitted to under circumstances of humiliation. Well, now, let us take the result of the business so far as it has gone. The whole amount of the claims upon the Greek government was 33,000; the whole amount received is 6,400, so that as the matter stands at present it ap- [appears] pears before the world that having made a demand of 33,000, you have up to this moment only received 6,400, and this will show to the world how great was the extent of your demand in comparison with its jus- [us- justice] tice. [ice] (Hear.) Looking at the claim of M. Pacifico, [Pacific] and looking also at the opinion expressed by Baron Gros [Gross] with regard to it, and at the proceedings at Athens, I declare most solemnly my firm belief that if the people of England really understood the merits of this ques- [question] tion, [ion] if they had read, as I have done, the blue books- [books] I have that opinion of the fairness and justice of my countrymen, that I believe, that in spite of the galvanic effort to make this a party question-(loud cries of no, no )-so disgusted would they be with the whole proceedings, that they would raise a subscription to pay back to the Greek government the money which has been taken from them. (Laughter.) Well, now, be- [besides] sides being asked to express our approbation with regard to the Greek affair, we are asked to identify our- [ourselves] selves with the foreign policy pursued since the present government came into office. Why, I say, I should be h earth were I to give any vy Vote. (Hear, hear.) For what have I been doing a public meeting in Manchester I denounced the Proceedings of the noble lord in Syria, Both in this house and out of it I denounced the course pursued by him in Portugal. I moved for the number of our vessels employed in Portugal. I protested in public, aye, and amidst enthusiastic approving audiences, against our in- [interference] terference [reference] in the affairs of Sicily. Iam [I am] now called upon to express my approbation of the proceedings of the foreign office during the existence of the present ad- [administration] ministration. Why, I say, sir, that if I did so I think my mouth ought in future to be closed upon any ques- [question] tion [ion] respecting economy or retrenchment or the possi- [poss- possibility] bility [debility] of reducing our establishments-(hear, hear)- [hear] because I am quite sure that if this system is to con- [continue] tinue, [tine] if you are to send fifteen vessels of war to collect a debt of 6,400, not only can you not reduce your establishments, but your establishments are not large enough. (Hear.) Well, now, there has been a great deal said about foreign intervention. The right prin- [pain- principle] ciple [Copley] with regard to foreign countries I had thought was admitted and acknowledged by all. Since the time of the Reform Bill hon. gentlemen opposite have, I believe, never thought of anything so absurd as the attempting to gain popularity by claiming for them- [themselves] selves the peculiar of interferers in the domestic affairs of other countries. I cannot say that I think there is so much wisdom on our side of the house. (Hear, hear.) There seems to me to have been exhibited to-night, and on the night on which the noble lord (Lord Palmerston) spoke, a great disposition to claim merit for the party on this side of the house as having for one of its principles interference in the affairs of all Europe. (Cheers from the opposition.) Well, but that was not the doctrine of the late Lord Grey I remember that in the speech of Lord Grey in 1830 nothing electrified the house more than the expo- [exposition] sition [sit ion] of his principles on this subject. (Hear, hear.) He spoke of the wars that had been carried out by Mr. Pitt and his successors. He spoke of the eight hundred millions which had been expended in those wars; and he pledged himself to the country that peace, non- [nonintervention] intervention, and retrenchment should be the watch- [watchwords] words of the whig party. (Cheers from the opposi- [opposite- opposition] tion.) [ion] Now, I ask the country fairly to decide whether the tone and language of the speakers on this side of the house to-night, and on previous nights during the progress of the discussion, have been in harmony and unison with that sentiment of Lord Grey. (Hear, hear.) My hon. and learned friend the member for Southampton has been cheered to the echo. (Cheers from the Ministerial side.) Half the treasury bench was empty, whilst its usual occupiers ran one after another to shake hands with him when he had resumed his seat. (Laughter and renewed cheers.) What did the hon. and learned gentleman say I pass by his sneers at men of peace and men of cotton, be- [because] cause we must allow gentlemen of the long robe some latitudewhen [latitude when] they forget what is the arena in which they are displaying their powers. (Laughter.) But what would Lord Grey have said to the doctrines which the hon. and learned member laid down How could there be any prospect of permanent peace if his doc- [doctrines] trines [tribes] were adopted The hon. and learned gentleman said there could be no prospect of permanent peace in any country till its inhabitants had adopted a constitu- [constitution- constitutional] tional [national] government. What sort of a government does the hon. and learned gentleman mean Does he mean our constitutional government Because even if the other countries of Europe should go so far as that, might not an hon. member of the Assembly at Wash- [Washington] ington [Kington] get up and say- There will be no peace in the world till we make all nations republicans (Hear, hear, and laughter.) The hon. and learned gentleman seems to me to have set a difficult task before the Fo- [Foreign] reign Secretary, and, coupling what he said with the concluding words of the noble lord, I must say that the noble lord does not appear an inapt pupil. If honour- [honourable] able gentlemen vote their approbation of the sentiments of the honourable and learned gentleman, the Foreign Office will have to undertake the reforming and consti- [consist- constitutionalism] tutionalising [nationalising] of almost every civilised country on the face of the earth. (Cheers from the Opposition.) Well, are you prepared for that (Hear, hear.) When the people of this country have got a little cool on this question, they will not see the economy or the wisdom of adopting the course thus indicated. I claim for my- [myself] self credit for as much sympathy with foreign nations struggling for liberty up to the point that we have at- [attained] tained [gained] as can be felt, by anybody either in this house or out of it. It is not true, as the hon. and learned gen- [gentleman] tleman [gentleman] (Mr. Roebuck) said, under a misapprehension, that at a public meeting which I attended I said I was for war in favour of the Hungarians. I understood him to represent me to have said, I am for peace in everything else, but I make an exception in favour of Hungary. Mr. Rorpuck.-Perhaps [Roebuck.-Perhaps] the hon. gentleman will al- [allow] low me to tell him what I did say. (Hear, hear.) I said that the hon. gentleman having made a speech in unison with the feelings of the meeting, made an apology for what he was about to add respecting the war in Hun He said he had been peaceful in everything else, but he was warlike then. (Hear, hear.) Mr. Coppen.-The [Copper.-The] hon. and learned gentleman has misunderstood me. I have never in public advocated interference by our government in the domestic affairs of any other country. I hold to the principle of non- [nonintervention] intervention, even in cases in which my feelings are most concerned. (Cries of the Russian loan from the opposition.) I hold to that principle, humble. in- [individual] dividual [individual] as I am, and without having upon me the re- [responsibility] sponsibility [responsibility] of a minister. In all my public conduct I defy any one to show an instance in which I have violated that principle. When I saw that principle violated by others, as in the case of the Russian inva- [vain- invasion] sion of Hungary when I saw, at the same time, a large and influential portion of the press of this country hounding on a barbarous nation to invade a compara- [compare- comparatively] tively [lively] civilised state, then, living in almost the only country in Europe in which there was a platform that could not be corrupted, though a portion of its press might be, I stood forth as a public man, and de- [denounced] nounced [announced] the invasion of Hun But at the same time I stated that I should be as ready to denounce the interference of our own government in Hungary as I then was to denounce that of Russia. You will find what I said, if you refer to the report of my speech. But it is a matter of small importance what my individual opinions may be. When you come to the question whether the government ought to be the 'propagandist of its own opinions in foreign countries, the issue is altogether changed. I maintain that our government has no right to hold any inter- [intercourse] course with the government of any country except the government de facto; [fact] and whether that government de facto [fact] be republican, despotic, or monarchical, I hold that we have no right to interfere for the purpose of making them take up opposite ground. The hon. and learned member for Southampton, on the contrary, takes up the principle of intervention. But does he perceive the consequences which follow from that With what face could he denounce the intervention of Russia in Hun for advocating the doctrine which he has done to night (Hear.) If you want to benefit a people struggling for their freedom, then establish as one of your maxims of international law the principle of non-intervention. If you want the greatest guarantee for peace, as well as security for progress, you must ad- [adhere] here to the principle that no one state has a right to interfere in the domestic concerns of another, even to confer benefits on the latter against its consent. How can the noble lord vindicate his interference in the domestic concerns of Switzerland, although the majority of the protestant cantons objected to such interference These are the things which the hon. and learned mem- [men- member] ber [be] asks us to approve of by assenting to his motion. (Hear, hear.) But I come back to my principle. I ask, do you want to benefit Italy and Hungary I sympathise deeply with them, as men who have been struggling for liberty, and are now in adversity. I have seen most of their leading men, and can tell you what are their sentiments. I may here mention of the lead- [leading] ing Hungarians, that I have scen [scene] and conversed with all of them who are in this country, their fortitude and cheerfulness under adversity have inspired me with the most affectionate respect. I must say that I never saw men before, except Englishmen-and their habits and modes of thinking show a great similarity to the English character-who exhibited more fortitude and self respect, a greater anxiety to avoid public appeals, or to become in any way dependent upon the bounty of the public. They have sought, by expatriation to America, and by every other means in their power, to support themselves independently by the labour of their hands. (Hear, hear.) But with respect to their sentiments they say, We do not ask you to come to Hungary to help us; what we want is, that you should establish such principles as should prevent our being interfered with by any other country. (Lronical [Chronicle] cheers.) I under- [understand] stand that cheer. Do the Italians wish us to interfere They say, Leave us to ourselves, and do not let us be interfered with by foreigners. (A laugh.) I will now answer the cheer of the hon. and learned member for Southampton he implies that we did not keep Russia out of Hungary. I will show him how public opinion acted in that case without intervention. Does the hon. and learned member recollect when Kossuth and his companions took refuge in Turkey, and were demanded by the Emperors of Austria and Russia I beg him here to remember that these illustrious refugees were not saved by the intervention of our Foreign Secretary. (Oh, oh.) Has it not been admitted that the Emperor of Russia had sent his favourable answer before the English courier had arrived. Oh, oh, and consider- [considerable] able dissent.) I beg pardon; I understood that the re- [refugees] fugees [refugees] had been liberated previous to the arrival of the English despatches. In my opinion they were liberated by the universal opinion of Western Europe, expressed universally by the press. Not all the press here. But their liberation does not tell against my principle because non-intervention would have prevented their extradition if properly carried out, but if you want to establish the principle, you must begin by setting an example of it yourself. I am firmly convinced that if we laid down non- [nonintervention] intervention as our invariable principle we should com- [compel] pel [Peel] Russia and Austria to follow our example. But it is a mistake to suppose that the noble lord has always appeared abroad as the champion of liberal- [liberalism] ism. I am not going to fall into the delusion that this is a battle between liberalism on the one side and despotism on the other. I do not believe that the noble lord is any more democratic than his colleagues, or than hon. gentlemen opposite but the fact is, that he is a man of a very active turn of mind, who likes writing protocols, and the smaller and more insignifi- [insignificant- insignificant] t is the subject the more pleasure he cussing it. (A I do not find that the lord takes up any great liberal questions. Did t Q noble lord ever protest against the invasion of Hungary True, he made a speech against Austria, which power was feeble and contemptible at the time, but he did not breathe a syllable against Russia. On the contrary, a spoke of that power in an apologetic manner. Did the noble lord go to Italy to establish constitutional govern- [government] ment [men On the contrary, the noble lord has himself told us that he did not send Lord Minto to recommend constitutional changes, but merely to advise govern- [governments] ments [rents] to adopt some administrative reforms. That was not the want of the Italian people. They wanted secu- [sec- security] rity [city] and good government, which was only to be ob- [obtained] tained [gained] by constitutional forms and a representative system. I do not fall then into the delusion that the question is between liberalism and despotism upon the continent. I believe that the progress of freedom depends more on peace and commerce and education, than upon any labours of governments, and that if you can only prevent those perturbations which are con- [constantly] stantly [Stanley] occurring between different states, liberalism will take care of itself without giving you any further trouble. One word now in reference to the tone taken on this side of the house with respect to those who oppose the motion. The hon. member for Middlesex hints that those who differ from it may expect to be visited by terrible consequences, and talks of appeals out of doors. We know what that means. But, for myself, I can only say that, attending all the morning on committees and in the evening in the house, I do not sit here for pleasure, but because I wish, in my own humble way, to advance those principles upon which I have a strong conviction, and if there be one on which I have a stronger conviction than another, or one for which I made the first public exhibition of myself in print-(a laugh)-it is that which is involved in oppo- [op- opposition] sition [sit ion] to this motion. I have maintained it in public for the last fifteen years, and if I remain in this house one great object with me will be to promote, by every possible means, its diffusion and progress. I should like to see the day when intercourse between nations may be assimilated to that between individuals, among which latter the progress of civilisation is indicated by the abolition of the practice of wearing arms, and the discontinuance of duelling, formerly so much adopted by the higher classes. (Hear.) I should be glad to see some change like that coming over the intercourse be- [between] tween nations, and moral gradually superseding physical force. We see that coercion has been abandoned in schools, and even in lunatic asylums, and that even the training of animals is found to be better done by gentle- [gentleness] ness than by force. Why not adopt this principle between nations Would it not be better than sending fifteen ships of war to collect a debt of 6,400 6,W Such are the principles which shall have my support, and if the threat which has been made rather vaguely should be carried out it will be some satisfaction to me to feel that I have upheld my principles, even at the expense of some personal sacrifices. (Hear, hear.) Sir R. Pret [Pre] began by vindicating the motives which influenced his vote, declaring that the suggestion of Mr. Cockburn, that there had been a disgraceful conspiracy, or a base compromise, in opposition to the ministers, on his side of the house, was wholly unfounded. He had given his conscientious support to them because he had cordially approved their policy in domestic affairs -commercial, monetary, and in relation to Ireland. There were occasions in which he had supported their foreign policy, which he did not now come forward to condemn; but he was asked to give his approval of the whole, and to affirm principles tenfold more important than the saving of a government. Be- [Before] fore Mr. Roebuck called for a subscription to his reso- [rose- resolution] lution [Lotion] he should define what were the principles of the foreign diplomacy of the government. Were they non- [nonintervention] intervention Were they the employment of the same language to the strong and to the weak After justify- [justifying] ing the principles of foreign policy adopted by Lord Aberdeen, he declared that, though no partisan of the Greek Government, he could not conscientiously vote that the policy of his successor in the affairs of Greece had been calculated to maintain the honour and dignity of this country. He admitted, for the sake of argu- [argue- argument] ment, [men] that we had just claims upon Greece, but he maintained there was an obvious mode of settling them without offending France, provoking the rebuke of Russia, or compromising our own dignity, by asking the good offices of France (which had been ultimately accepted) before resorting to force. He blamed the conduct of the government towards France after her good offices had been employed. Why did the Vauban sail from Marseilles without a communication to Mr. Wyse [Wise Why not, when a misunderstanding had arisen, at once tender the London convention, which was at last reluctantly conceded Could he see this transac- [transact- transaction] tion, [ion] and our present position in respect to France, Russia, and Austria, and vote for this resolution Then he came to the principles of foreign policy he was asked to affirm by it, which were vague and indefinite, but which as expounded by Mr. Roebuck, meant that this country would assist other nations in their efforts to obtain self-government, and to resist tyranny under the name of legitimacy. This was no other than the principle proclaimed by the National Convention of France on the 19th of November, 1792, and in the manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick. If we claimed this right, a correlative right must be conceded to other nations, and American notions of self-government, for example, differed from ours. Was it not, then, a wiser policy to hold the doctrine recognized [recognised] by Mr. Fox, Mr. Pitt, and Mr. Canning, that the true policy of this country was non-interference He believed that the cause of constitutional liberty would only be encum- [enc- encumbered] bered [breed] by our help, whilst by obtruding it we should in- [involve] volve [solve] this country in incalculable difficulties. For these reasons he should dissent from the motion. Lord J. RussELt, [Russell] after justifying the course which the government had taken upon this question, and charging the tactics of their opponents with unfairness -accusing Lord Aberdeen of having uttered most un- [unfounded] founded imputations, and made most unjust attacks upon the present ministers-complained of the dispo- [dis- disposition] sition [sit ion] evinced in this discussion to discredit the testi- [test- testimony] mony [money] of English witnesses on the transactions in Greece and the disingenuous manner in which that testimony had been dealt with, as exemplified in respect to Mr. Finlay's case. In that case and M. Pacifico's [Pacific's] the two important questions were, had they suffered wrong, and could they in the ordinary course of justice obtain re- [redress] dress Other states, where its subjects had suffered wrong had exacted compensation from the state which had done the wrong; so that the principle of interna- [internal- international] tional [national] law upon which the government had acted was not dormant or obsolete. If this course of proceeding were abandoned, the consequense [consequence] would be that whilst compensation would be claimed and received by the French or the Prussian Minister, the English Minister would be told that the English Parliament had decided that British subjects should not be protected, and that he might make what he could of the tribunals. Lord John then discussed the considerations which had regu- [reg- regulated] lated [late] the policy of the government in regard to the continental States, calling upon the house to judge them by the principles they professed, and by the results which had been obtained under circumstances of extra- [extraordinary] ordinary difficulty. He dwelt with particularity upon the Neapolitan question-one of the most serious of their difficulties-observing that, so far from Lord Minto having been a fomenter of revolution, there was a ru- [rumour] mour [our] that his house was to be attacked because he had given the King of Naples anti-revolutionary advice. He corroborated the statement of Lord Palmerston res- [respecting] pecting [pectin] the passage of the Dardanelles by the British fleet, and avowed that in the matter of the Hungarian refugees, when appealed to by Turkey, the government had replied that they would make a friendly represen- [represent- representation] tation [station] to Russia and Austria, but if they refused to comply, the Sultan should have the assistance of a powerful English fleet and yet it wassaid [said] they coerced only weak States, and employed a humble tone to strong oues. [use] He acknowledged it was a just rule of policy not to interfere in the domestic affairs of other nations ; but that rule had not been very strictly observed even by Lord Aberdeen in his intercourse with Greece, and it must be relaxed in cases of exigency, for an unbend- [unbending] ing rule would be the cause of war. Though besides the general interest of mankind, it was the particular interest of this country that freedom should be extended; our best influence was by affording at home an example of the good effects of liberty but it was an advantage that it should be understood in Europe that we took part in neither of the extreme parties into which it was divided-the wildness of democracy and the iron rule of despotism, the one leading to the other 3; and he begged the house to beware lest, in censuring a govern- [government] ment [men] which had held that middle course, it declared in favour of one of those parties. After an allusion to a rumoured fusion of parties on the benches opposite to him, and attributing the unfounded suspicions cast upon the policy of the government to foreign agency, he declared that by the verdict of that house, and of the people of England, he was prepared to abide, fully convinced that the government had preserved at the same time the honour of this country and the blessings of peace. Mr. DisraEt [Disraeli] justified by precedent his own course of conduct on this question, and vindicated Lord Aber- [Aberdeen] deen. [need] Taking the resolution as that of the government, he observed, if it was meant to lay down the rule that, in countries like Greece, every person calling himself a British subject might look for redress to a British Ad- [Admiral] miral, [moral] in what a position would it place this country, as well as Greece In the most despotic countries British subjects were protected by the supplementary aid of treaties, where the municipal laws of the count were insufficient. Admitting the claims of Mr. Finlay and M. Pacifico, [Pacific] though exaggerated in amount, they were not more just than multitudes of other claims which had not been enforced by line-of-battle ships. Analyzing [Analysing] the resolution, he extracted from it this as its cardinal principle,-the support of the cause of self-government and constitutional liberty throughout the world 3 and he proceeded to show that this principle had not been really pursued by the Government in a review of their transactions with the continental Powers, which had, moreover, perilled great English interests. Their actsand [act sand] their failures were not calculated to sustain the honour of England, and so far from preservin [preserving] ig peace, there would have been no war in Europe but for their policy. The House of Lords had exercised a solemn duty, and Pronounced censure upon the policy which had led takes in dis-, the noble ; This house was now asked to bat ew Pee te ight [it] be its vote, it wo ermina [ermine] b gumennee [gunner] to Europe, and to another hemis- [hems- hemisphere] phere, [there] that the Parliament of England had resolved that our policy should be conducted with due regard for the ights [its] of other nations. we fter [after] a brief reply from Mr. RozBUCK, [Roebuck] divided, when the numbers were- [were] to such terrible results. reverse that sentence ; the House 310 AYES ts NOeS [Ones] sé 264 46 Majority in favour of Government The house adjourned at 4 o'clock until Monday. Monday, July 1. THE LANCASTER CHANCERY. a. iti [it] i vour [our] of the Court of Chancery (Lan- [An- Lancaster] caster) Bill More preceniies [presence by Mr. Greene, from the solicitors of Lancaster; by Mr. G. Greenall, [Green] from War- [Warrington] rington [Kington] and St. Helens; by Mr. Duncuft, [downcast] from the solicitors of Oldham; and by Mr. W. Patten, from the solicitors of Blackburn, Colne, Preston. HYDE PARK AND THE EXHIBITION OF INDUSTRY. founded on questions by Colonel tion, [ion] A long conversatio [conversation upon the subject of the ibthorpe [Bishop] and other members, Site of the national exhibition of 1851, followed. The Attorney-General, explaining the legal position of the question, stated that Hyde Park was the property of the crown in fee, and that on each accession it was vested in the hands of the commissioners of woods and forests as trustees for the public. Those commissioners had a right to cut down mature trees, and, with the royal sanction, immature trees but were unable to grant any lease for the erection of permanent buildings. He declined to suggest how the public were to interfere, if dissatisfied with the acts of the trustees.-Lord John Russell stated that the exhibition was to close on the 1st of November, 1851, at latest, and in seven months from that date the whole building was to be removed ; there was no idea of applying to the public purse for assistance.-Mr. Reynolds offered the Phoenix Park, Dublin, for the exhibition, and Mr. Alcock proposed Battersea Fields-Mr. Duncombe [Income] objected to the price of half-a-crown, which it was understood was intended to be charged for admission, saying that the entrance ought to be free three days in the week. Finally it was arranged that the whole matter should be discussed on Thursday, and in the meantime a memorial, addres- [address- addressed] sed [se] to the lords of the treasury, by the commissioners in charge of the exhibition, stating the decision to which they had come, as to the locality and the reasons for it, was to be placed in the hands of members. TREATMENT OF SMITH O'BRIEN. Mr. AnsTEY [Anstey] moved for an inquiry into the circum- [circus- circumstances] stances under which a letter addressed by Mr. Smith O'Brien to a member of the house (Mr. Anstey himself), complaining of his having been placed in solitary con- [confinement] finement [eminent] by the present lieutenant-governor of Van Diemen's Land, was intercepted and opened in that colony by the local authorities. Sir GrorcE [Grocer] GREY opposed the motion, stating that Mr. O'Brien had refused to accept the indulgence of a ticket of leave, though three of his fellow-convicts accepted it, and so incurred by his own act the restraints he complained of. If criminals were allowed to trans- [transmit] mit [it] letters, and those letters were not to be opened, means of escape might be concerted, articles might be transmitted to the newspapers, and there might be a defiance of justice, turning the punishment of crime into a laughing-stock. Government had gone to the full extent justified in relaxing the severities of Mr. S. O'Brien's sentence. If, because Mr. O'Brien had been a gentleman and a member of that house, he was to be treated in a way that would exempt him from all the inconveniences of his position, the only effect would be to hold up justice to contempt. (Hear, hear.) Mr. BaILtie [Bail tie] CocHRANE [Cochrane] complained that there was a kind of false sensibility rising up through the country, in consequence of which they had recently seen another crime committed, in the shape of an outrage on the person of the sovereign. There was some further conversation on the subject, in which Mr. Hume, Mr. Ewart, Mr. Sharman Crawford, and Colonel Thompson took part. The house divided -For going into committee, 45 ; for Mr. Anstey's amendment, 17; majority, 28. The house then went into committee of supply on the estimates for civil service. The first vote proposed was 125,000, to be appro- [approve- appropriated] priated [printed] to the purposes of education in Great Britain. Mr. Ewart moved, that a statement be made on the part of the government, on going into the education estimates (as is done on going into the estimates for the army, navy, and ordnance), of the sums appropri- [appropriate- appropriated] ated [acted] each year to the purposes of education; the attri- [atari- attribution] bution [button] of those sums; the relative increase of common schools of all sorts receiving grants from government ; the number and progress of schools of design and of all educational institutions (including public libraries, and museums or galleries of arts and science), for which money is voted by parliament. He said this plan would combine two advantages the first was one en- [enjoyed] joyed in foreign countries arising from having a con- [condensed] densed [denied] statement of the condition and prospects of education laid at certain periods before the country ; and the second advantage would be derived from hay- [haying] ing that statement made viva voce [vice] by a minister of the crown. Sir G. Grey observed it would be difficult to make such a statement, and the information was already to be found in several documents. 125,000 was voted for educational purposes in Great Britain. 125,000 for national education in Ireland. 14,755 for schools of design. On the vote for 2,006 for salaries and allowances to the professors of Oxford and Cambridge being put, Mr. Ewart regretted that there was not at these uni- [universities] versities [universities] a professor of history in connection with diplomacy. Lord PaLMERSTON [Palmerston] said that the matter had been for some time under his consideration, and he hoped to be able to make arrangements for examining those who received their first diplomatic commission. The vote was agreed to. Other votes having been taken, an interesting discus- [discussion] sion arose in connection with the vote for the British Museum. The house adjourned at twenty minutes past twelve o'clock. Tuesday, July 2. The Speaker took the chair at twelve o'clock. LANDLORD AND TENANT BILL. Mr. having moved the third reading of this bill, Col. SmsrHorP moved, as an amendment, that the bill be read a third time that day six months. Con- [Considerable] siderable [considerable] discussion took place, and the house divided, when the amendment was negatived by 53 to 17. The bill was consequently read the third time, after which Mr. S. CRawrorD [Crawford] moved that Ireland be exempted from the bill. A second discussion followed, and on a division the motion was negatived by a majority of 64 to 16. The bill was then passed, and at ten minutes to two o'clock the house adjourned. The house re-assembled at five o'clock, and after the presentation of numerous petitions, Mr. B. OsBorNE [Osborne] said he had received a letter from a near relative of Mr. Roebuck, stating that the honourable and learned mem- [men- member] ber [be] was so ill that he could not leave his bed. Under these circumstances, the motion of the honourable gen- [gentleman] tleman [gentleman] relative to the Irish church, which stood for this evening, would be postponed, as it was not com- [competent] petent [patent] for any other member to bring it forward. MR. COMMISSIONER FONBLANQUE. [FINLAND] Mr. O'Connor moved, that the petition of a person who complained of the conduct of Mr. Commissioner Fonblanque, [Finland] in a case of bankruptcy, be printed with the votes. A brief discussion ensued, and upon a divi- [div- division] sion, there appeared -For the motion, 1; against it, 170; majority, 169. The motion was consequently rejected. The report of the committee of supply was brought up and received. The other orders of the day were then rapidly gone through, and the house adjourned at a quarter to six Wednesday, July 3. The SprakeER [Speaker] took the chair at twelve o'clock, when there was an unusually full attendance for a Wednesday sitting. DEATH OF SIR ROBERT PEEL. Mr. before any business was gone into, rose amidst profound silence, and in tremulous accents said -I hope, sir, in addressing the house at this moment, I may be excused for doing so, because I am anxious to express the deep regret which I, and I am sure every member of this house feels, at the loss the country has sustained by the death of Sir Robert Peel. (Hear, hear.) When I look back at the conduct and career of that right honourable gentleman, more particularly of late years, when events of immense importance were brought about owing to the part which he took in public affairs, and when I remember that he was the man who sacri- [sari- sacrificed] ficed [fixed] power, office, and everything for an act which he believed the imperial interests of his country demanded, I find that it is needless for me to say anything more than to express a hope that, if the house concurs with me in these sentiments of deep regret, they will readily adopt that which is the best means of showing our respect for the departed and late member, and at once agree to a motion for adjournment, and allow no busi- [bus- business] ness to be proceeded with to-day. (Cheers.) It is im- [in- impossible] possible to state my feelings at the present moment-I have no power to express them-(hear, hear,)-but I feel so strongly the public loss which the death of the right hon. baronet has occasioned that I have only to move, and humbly to submit to the house, the propriety of concurring in a unanimous resolution for adjourning the business of to-day out of respect to him whom I have already named and when I contemplate the many sacrifices he made in his life-time for the public good, and the feeling of interest manifested in this metropolis at his lamented decease, which I am sure will extend itself throughout the whole country, I may be excused for making this motion, even though it should be con- [contrary] trary [Tracy] to precedent. (Cheers.) I am not aware that any precedent does exist, such an event happily but seldom Occurs, nor is it likely to occur again, at least not in m [in] e, and I therefore hope the house will concur in this motion, out of respect to the hon. gag melancholy death has just oceurr [occurrence] ed. Mr. GLaDsTONE, [Gladstone] who was affecte [affected] es heen. hen] tse [te] as the honourable gentleman, from moun [mon] seul [seal] sure, all can appreciate, has submit. icy the House, and as I see no othe [the] has ever been connected by office gentleman, whose we also so te lan [an] rhaps, [haps] owed to second the 7 Fast been made. (Hear, hear.) pe nr will be a source of much regret to the . head of the government that this sabe [sale] troduced [produced] a few moments earlier thay, [that] expected, because it will deprive hin, [in] of bearing his part in this the earlic [Earl] tribute of respect to be paid to one wh Yu name the late Sir Robert Peel. (Cheep tay [ta] ject [jet] introduced by the honourable gen.) 4 forgive me for saying so-is one thir [their] y moment bear discussion. (Hear, hey, 2 sure every heart is too much full tw Jj, at this early period to enter upon th... he extent of the calamity with whi. [who] een [en] visited, in the sad and Premature. ate right hon. friend. (Hear, heap, po he died full of years and full of death is one which human eyes .,,,.. ture, [true] because we had fondly hoped that 5. s position he might be placed, by ability, by the splendour of his talenr. [talent] Steg [Ste] of his virtues, he might still have be. 8 us most essential services. Sir, ay i; quote those most feeling and touchin. [touching] were applied by one of England's j, man not less great even than Sir Ry ... 5 hear)- [hear] person Dre [Dr] oe With the el en, deeply deo [de] lite sty. Ole Jo ' LCE [LE] Day & uh . i po hay OF the es Welty [Welby] 3. dug Liye [Line] ue 4 a SDarod [Stared] . Now is the stately column brio The beacon light is in ... The trumpet's silver sound is The warder silent on the hill. I will say nothing more-perhaps har . already. I ought, perhaps, to have simply seconding the motion of the hon, mau [may] the member for Montrose, but wa, by protracting the occasion for a fey pao. [pa] might perhaps have entered the house sh, been worthy to take part in this brief jing [King] hear.) That has not been so, but hower. [Howe] sure the tribute of respect which we poy [oy] 2 rendered the more gratifying-the more silence which has prevailed on this The motion having been put, Mr. Napier, Sir 2. and Sir W--., still, N (no member of the cabinet being bres [bees] early hour), cordially concurred in th. in the sentiment which prompted On the question being put from the chy. [ch] - bers, [bees] as by one impulse, rose and 2. sin - US LorpD [Lord] PALMERSTON.--The members of tho have determined to invite Lord Palmersti.y [Palmer.y] -, the club on such day as may be most cancun, [Canon] lordship, as a testimony of respect fur his on... their approbation of his policy. The req [re] menced [mended] on the evening of Friday, betore [before] was immediately signed by nearly one hunin. [hunting] The Secretary for Foreign Affairs will be new. quet [quiet] to be held in his honour at an early jy; building suited to the purpose that can b. At present, we believe, the intention is ty ay. -, tainment [attainment] in Drury-lane Theatre, where cobis [cobs] .. for 1,100 or 1,200 persons. The Reform (lb 5, necessarily be confined to the club and w an opportunity will be given to the ceneral [central] pinliy [penile] strating [starting] their confidence in Lord Palmerstin's [Palmerston's] their high estimation of his character, his eminent services to the cause of liberty ar hun, [Hun] - Weekly Chronicle. . GRAND DINNER AT THE op Masons.-On Friday, the Lord Mayor of Lon, splendid entertainment to the masters an of the freemasons [Freemasons] of England. A er ests [sets] appeared in Masonic costume. er tian-hall [tin-hall] was extremely splendid, the ausec- [cause- excursion] occasion attracted crowds reund [round] the doers of -he house. Messrs. Ring and Brymer [Bremer] emplovei [employ] skill and labour in furnishing the tables with cious [sous] viands, to which ample justice was lone by -n. Amongst the company were-Earl of Zetlani, [Zetland] 1 Lord Dudley Stuart, Lord Suffield, Lori R Milford, Hon. George O'Callaghan, SirJ. [Sir] Guest, M.P., Baron de Paravicini, [Paraffin] Earl of Yurhurn [Horn] Whyte Melville, and a number of other listineusas. [listeners] bers [bees] of the eraft, [after] for various parts of the THE LATE DEBATE.-The following invilens [influenza] 2 - to the late debate on Mr. Roebuck's twotion [notion] s our the west end of the town. On us 2 past nine o'clock, the government being very some independent members representing cies [ties] should speak in favour of Lord Pa sent a request to a certain hon. bar metropolitan borough, hoping he w Lu 3 he assented. Two similar messages we to the same effect by two other members and he was requested to get up immediate id, when tu Herbert sat down. This he of all those who saw what had oceurre l, [occurrence l] was put up in his place. The hon. barore [bare] some time for an explanation, and not rev pressed the greatest indignation at this 2 and unceremonious proceeding, and i nation from the minister, which was 2) Times. AN EXTRAORDINARY CaLcULator.-In [Calculated.-In] 1 proceeding at a recent meeting of t stitute [institute] of Actuaries, given in the P' owing account is furnished of a ( dent in London, whose caleulatin [calculating] those of the celebrated George Bidder the evening was occupied by the apr [air] gentleman, named Daze, whose ext hy calculation, and the facility with which ' most tedious arithmetical operations. an tions [tins] with equal ease, either verbally or nun remarkable, as to elicit the wonder ani [an] one who hears or sees him. His answers ue - almost the same rapidity that the listener the result, allowing nothing for the time ing. The first question asked him was number, consisting of five figures, by anette [annette] five figures, and the correct answer was - taneously. [spontaneously] His friend, who acted as stated that he had the most singular pewer [power] glance a great number of objects thrown upel [pule as for instance, the total number of ma even to 100 or more. To test this balls, which had just been used for che members, were thrown from the bux [box] louse and Herr Daze, after taking a single turning away, declared the tutal [total] nwuber [number] proved to be correct, when the balls were turned to the box. Itshould [It should] be remarke [remarked] some were lying much nearer toyether [together] chun [chin] that they would appear to an ordinary spes [apes] confused as to puzzle even an experieneel [experience] to avoid reckoning some of them twice. He he - produce of two numbers to twelve Hyures. [Hares] WL 7, and 1epeated [repeated] the latter produet [product] buekwund [Burgundy] error in any figure. He was then askel [asked] che -' which was correctly given, 95,445.99. aes [as] neously. [nervously] He will divide a number by ane' [an] of two or three figures, and will write dow [down] once, in one line, without any apparent 1 cess. In as rapid a manner he ware the Set namely, 41,181 but it would take up tv state all the surprising proofs of this singe tion. [ion] may merely mention, as une [one] multiplied a number, consisting of 12 Sue number of 12 figures, and gave the minute and three quarters. LossteR [Lister] FisHinc.-- [Fishing.-- Fishing] The lobster Ssuue [Issue] O'Groat's Journal) has been prosecuted wile and most successfully on the sheres [shares] vi this ness), during the last two or three unt. [nut] and Searfskerry [Surgery] stations, where there are Tv) oy eighteen boats employed, the takes have 1,000 a week. ILLEGALITY OF HEAPED MeastRs.-The [Masters.-The] the borough of Leeds have tined [lined] several par before them by the inspector of weights at that borough, for selling green gousebertic [Cosmetic [C] heaped above the brim heaped measure by the 5th and 6th William IV., 53- [THE] THE Rey. Dr. BucKLaND.-We [Auckland.-We] qnvte [invite] 2 announcement from the Ere -' It is imleet' [inlet] fact, although we are the first to notice it. YU the Dean of Westminster-the eloyuent, [employment] the learned writer of the remarkable ' -is bereft of reason, and is now an inmate a near Oxford. We cannot tell whether the S08 [S] 0. has driven the learned doctor mad, or what pours puts on. The surveyor to the Woods and Foress [Forest] missioners of Brighton possession of the Wedusday, [Wednesday] the 28th ult. . MEETING OF LANCASHIRE AND YORSS [YOURS] HOLDERS AT LIVERPOOL.-On Tuesday attended meeting of holders of tiith [tooth] shares was held at the Clarendon Rooms, pose of receiving from the committee the interests of fifth holders, a statement had taken.-The business of the meeting the act of parliament, under which the ' created, being read. This was followed 5 the opinion of counsel in reference to the which opinion was founded on the act of pH The legal opinion thus read was oppese' [oppose] which have been offered by the directv [direct] holde [hold] s. The proceedings of the read in detail. They were rather classified under different heads. The unre [under] in which the fifth holders would be place recommended by the directors was adepte) [adapted] [C] dwelt upon, and the shareholders were ye, directors' proposition. dings 8 ie having been read, accompanied by yes statements, a lengthened discussivn [discussion] took BAY gui [gi] shareholders present, a strong feeling of PE pte [pre] the terms proposed by the directors Dems [Des] Oi all the speakers. Several shareholders havi [have] putt the meeting in support of steps taken by O [C] behalf of the holders of fifth shares, and asher [ashe] 2 3 of the directors' proposal, Mr. Daniel oe ie se following resolution That this eo terms proposed by the directors, and she be requested to continue their on David Price ui i yuo. [you] aA all this description of stock to more fa' ie than are a present held out to them con a The regalution [resolution] was carried a por [or] as awe were further empowered to roceed, [proceed] for redress on of the Aith [With] proprieto [proprietor]