Saddleworth Sketches (1871) by Joseph Bradbury

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of the Sketches composing the present volume appeared A] in the Oldham Chronicle during the winter months of 1870-1, and, in reprinting them in a more permanent form, no attempt has been made to give them the character of a History of Saddleworth. The original idea of their writer, Mr. Joseph Brad- bury, has been adhered to, but, in consequence of his prolonged absence from Oldham, he has not becn able to undertake the revision. One of the Sketches has been omitted, the others to some extent con- densed, and the whole carefully corrected, so that it is hoped errors in circumstances and dates have been minimised, if not altogether avoided. During the task of revision, interesting material accumulated rapidly, and much has necessarily been omitted in order that the book might not become too bulky.

The additions, for which Mr. Bradbury is not responsible, are the paper on “Rush Bearing in the Olden Time,” kindly placed at our disposal by G. Shaw, Esq., and the three chapters following the Table of Chronology. The only considerable additions in the other Sketches are the additional facts and speculations in connection with the Green- field murder, extending from page 17 to 34, and a few anccdotes respect- ing the Rev. John Heginbottom, together with foot notes. Valuable assistance in the task of revision has been frecly given by several gentlemen in the district, amongst whom George Shaw, Esq., of St. Chad’s, has earned our very warm acknowledgments. To John Hirst, jun., Esq., of Dobcross, our thanks are also gratefully tendered for his intelligent and unwearied labours, and especially for hiscarcfulresearches in connection with the additional chapters of the book ; that entitled “‘Gleanings from Early Records’ being based entirely upon material furnished by him. The illustrations are from the pencil of a gentle- man whose name we are not at liberty to disclose, but we must put on record our sense of the value of his successful labours, and of the generosity which prompted him to present them to us.

Oldham Chronicle Office, September, 1871.

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PAGE. 0’ JACK’S AND GREENFIELD 1 SapDLEWoRTH CHURCH ...... eee eee eee 44 CHURCHES AND CHAPELS cece 63: MANNERS AND ences cee 13 Cee ence 81 RAMBLE THE FIRST..... cc seen 93 RAMBLE THE SECOND cece rece ee . 100 RAMBLE THE THIRD ee 109 RAMBLE THE FOURTH... cece cece cere 116 SocreTIES AND INSTITUTIONS ee . 122



THE OLD PARISH CHURCH, 1829 48 GROTTON HEAD, 1840... 112 DRumicaL ALTAR: POTS AND PANB 192 SHaw HALL IN 1790 208

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Bill’s o Jack's and Greemtteld.

Throughout the land, wherever news is read, Intelligence of their sad death has spread ; Those now who talk of far-famed Greenfield hills Will think of Bill o’ Jack’s and Tom o’ Bill’s.

J. Puarr.

was afler a period of lengthy and arduous toil, and Sy more than usual mental anxiety, that over-burdened 4| nature began to give way, and I found that some relaxation from business and change of scene and society were absolutely necessary. After much deliberation, I eventually determined upon making a series of visits to the romantic valleys bordering upon Lancashire and York- shire ; but principally to the parish of Saddleworth, where many years of happy childhood had been spent. The memory of Bill’s o’ Jack’s, and the horrid catastrophe which has made the place so notorious, had not quite faded from my memory ; yet I decided to make that the starting point of my Saddleworth itinerary. It was one of those lovely mornings in the winter season, when the bracing atmosphere and the appearance of a sunny day tempt the feeble to walk out early, and derive health and strength from the morning breeze, that I started early from my home to be in time for the first train to Greenfield.


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Upon arriving at that station, I descended at once into the valley, and made the best of my way towards Roadend, where I was in hopes of having a substantial breakfast. I had scarcely reached Frenches tollbar, however, ere I over- took an aged and decrepit man; evidently a weaver, as he was dressed in their usual costume, with immense wooden clogs, ‘‘ blue lin” apron, an old, greasy, swallow-tailed blue coat, which—judging from its numerous brass buttons— had evidently seen better days; and an equally greasy black cloth cap, whose ragged “ neb’’ hung down over the old man’s wrinkled features. I was hurrying along at a brisk speed, and thinking of the past more than the then present, when the old man, with a peculiar whining voice, half guttural and half nasal, checked my speed by shouting after me—— ‘‘ Neaw mester! houd on a minute, un let’s be company if yore beown moi gate. Ill company’s better nor noan, but yo'll happen meet wi wur nor moin before t’ day’s o’er, if yore beown onni length of a gate. Aw guess yo’ll be gooin t? Holmfirth ?” “Not quite so far as that,’ I replied, which produced another question. ‘“Yo’re happen beown a seein sum’dy up this rooad on, are yo? Yo are no a doctor, are yo? But yo favvern Not quite—rather the contrary.” “Oh! awsee! A trav’lin preycher; or mebby a gauger, or summut o’ that mak, for yo dunnot look loik eawt wur— -but a gauger’s bad enough bith’arty.” “* Don’t you like gaugers, then ?” I asked in my turn. ‘“‘ Aw like em as weel as a choilt likes physic; un aw guess you noaw how mitch that is. But weer did yo seh yo were beawn? for aw forgotten.” “Well, seeing I have not told you, I don’t suppose you know, but as you are so particularly anxious about it, I am going to Bill’s 0’ Jack’s !” Bill’s o’ Jack’s at this toim o’th yer! whoy then yoar a ‘rider out’ by gum; ar yo fro Ashen or Bardsley ?” “Wrong again. To satisfy your curiosity once more, I am on pleasure.”

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“Yoh hannot bin theer latly then aw reckon, mays yoh be gooin neaw?” “No. Not for many years.” “Yoh winnut know, then, ut Gustus ’as laft theer. He’s gronson, yoh known, to owd Bill, ut wer murdert. He keeps th’ new public heawse just on here.” Here the old man paused for a few seconds, looking anxiously into my face, and then continued, with some emphasis “Un aw think two penn’orth ud do me good this cowd mornin. Un another thing, aw dar say aw could tell yoh a bit moor abeawt that job nor yoh happen to know, for aw’ve getten some owd pappers 1’ eawr owd kist awom, un ther’s o’ maks o’ deeds, as they kone em, un roitins uts getten to do wi’ t’ parish th’ owden toims; un aw seed one noan so lung sin ut owd Yed o’ Bob’s sed wer th’ inquest pappers belunging to th’ Bill’s o’ Jack’s murder. Then ther’s some abeawt th’ owd church, un th’ fearee holes, un pappers ov o maks; but they want sum’dy ut’s better larnt ~ nor me to look cm o’er, un put em 7’ apple-poi order.” ‘“‘ But how is it that they are all in your possession, for they must be very valuable ?”’ “‘ Becose aw’m mi fcther’s owdest lad, to be sure ; un some on em wer his, unt tothers aw getten fro th’ neeburs neaw un agen for safe keepin. Un wot for shudd’nt aw have summat valuable, as yoh foin foak koan it, as weel as others ? for aw hav’nt mich at is so, barrin th’ owd clock-case un th’ langsettle——-Yoy, bith mass! aw’d feer forgetten th’ book o yarbs un planets ut eaur Sal borrows when hoo kon foind it beawt axin for. But hoo’s noan beawn to foind it agen yet—not for all th’ yeth-bobs o’ Standedge.” During the foregoing conversation I had been walking leisurely by the old man’s side, and began to think that I had met an original character from whom I could probably get cither information or amusement; so I determined to breakfast at the forenamed “ Gustus’s,” and indulge my new acquaintance with his wished-for twopen’noth ; and, as the sequel proved, I was no loser by it. It is common to des- cribe your landlords whenever your journeys appear in print, but it is unnecessary to describe Mr. Augustus—or, as he

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is generally called,— Gustus” Bradbury, for whoever has gone to Greenfield during the last twenty years and does not know him! Who that has not seen the tall, bony, and muscular form clad in the mountain-green, does not know the former landlord of the lonely inn, where his relatives met their untimely end! Whilst the buxom landlady of the Clarence was preparing my morning meal, [ entered once more into conversation with the old man, and, considering that he had asked me several questions of a personal nature, I did not think it necessary to be over-scrupulous with him, so I at once asked him his name. “Moi name?” said he, “ whoy ev’rybody hereabeawts knows me mon! Kedlock! Owd Kedlock—— wot coom eawt o’ Harropdale a bobbin-windin un at last satteld deawn o yarb gettin for Owd Botany Bill wot lives up yon. If ever yoh ail’n eawt gu to Owd Bill, un bith’art alive mon he'll cure yo. one ov a theawsun is Bill! un he keeps better drowin playsters nor onnibody else abeawt here. Aw con recklect once when him un me un toothri moor wer at Owd Nanny’s, at th’ Western, ut sum owd foo or other started agate a fratchin wi Bill abeawt th’ age of a stooan ut ther is in a barn wo at th’ Booth i Cuckoo-lond— that’s o’er th’ nip yo known—un noan on us knew cawt at o abeawt it till Owd Bill said he’d bet ut thowd stooan ud tell for itsell. So we made a comet-ee loik, un after gettin one o Bill’s playsters we adjourned to th’ owd barn, when what does Owd Billy do but claps his playster on to th’ stooan for a minute or two, un theer, when it coom off, wer th’ letters unsettry plain enoof for onnibody to sce at had een ither yed. Warst ont wor nobody could read em; but that wer owin us Bill said to th’ moon bein i happy-jee un so in a merry-mood, which made th’ playster not draw streyt. Hoewivver, Botany Bill won th’ brass un weert it; un th’ stooan’s ith wo yet to puzzle foo’s wi, iv they looken at it.” When I found the old man thus rambling away from the question I had asked him I repeated it; tclling him it was not his by-name (or warty-name, as they call it in Saddleworth), but the name which his forefathers had before him. At this he laughed, and said—— “ Are voh a Saddleworth chap?”

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“Why ?” I asked. “ Becose if yo are yoh con gess i toothri minutes, for ther is'nt so mitch difference o’ th’ owd breeds i’ Saddleworth. Ther o B’s welly, un neaw un then toothri P’s, K’s, un W’s, but aw reckon th’ W’s are abeawt th’ owdest satteld up o’ th’ lond.”’ “Which letter of the alphabet, then, is your initial ?” Moin! Whoy, ther’s B for Bothomley, that’s noan o’ me; then ther’s B for Bredbury, that isn’t me; un ther’s B for Broadbent, but that isn’t me oather; un—hum—neaw, aw shannot tell yoh, it’s gettin to nar wom. Heawever, P stonds for Platt, K for Kennerly, un W for Wrigley—th’ owdest 0’ th’ ruck. But ther o on em good owd Saddleworth names; moin'uno. Aw/’ll tell yo what aw’ll do owd mon—. yoh winnot leeov Bill’s o’ Jack’s aw guess till toard neet, so aw’m thinkin aw’ll go up wom un fot thoose toothri pappers abeawt th’ murder, un bring em up to voh at th’ heawse, un then yoh con read em o’er, un yoh appen winna be agen payin for an odd gill or two.” To such a reasonable request of course I agreed, and, with that understanding, the old man and I parted. After breakfast I had a short stroll round the neighbour- hood, visiting the school built by the Brothers Whitehead, of Royal George Mills; and the Wesleyan Chapel, érected in the year 1845, near to which old Mrs. Bradbury and two infants in her charge at the time were drowned in the flood which swept down the valley on the 21st June, 1861, and which did damage to property in the valley to a very large amount. If the visitor to Greenfield is a good pedestrian he may take a footpath leading up the valley towards Chew Wells, and, passing Greenfield Hall, behind which Charnel Rocks (1,740 feet above sea level), rise almost perpendicularly, with the rocky summit of Alderman in majestic grandeur on the left, and the equally imposing ridge of Alphin on the right hand. Of Charnel Rocks an old tradition is related by the poet, Bottomley, as follows :— Full many a pleasant story has been told, Of fairy haunts, and rocks that shone like gold ;

And oft a legend of a swain she tells, ‘Who watched his flocks in Greenfield’s winding dells,

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And used at night to make his dark abode Beneath some craggy rock, or shady wood ; And, since the story was believed of old, Come, honest muse, the mystic lore unfold.

Once when the sun was sunk into the deep, And all mankind were locked in drowsy sleep, His wonted cave the lonely shepherd sought, And puffed his fire to cheer his pensive thought, For Night his blackest shade around had cast, And rocks and mountains in confusion lost, Then all about his fire the fairies came, And, as unwitting, asked the wight his name. My name, quoth he, when here I won is Self, Now tell me thine; Niphus, replied an elf. Then he began to ask them of their race, And what they came for; where their dwelling placc ; If they, like mortal men, were born or died, And why from light in rocks themselves they hide ? But they were mute, and nothing would disclose, Since all the green-haired race he’d made his foes. For once it chanced, as on a bank he lay, Attendant on his flock one summer day, On Charnel Rocks his wandering eyes were thrown, Which as the sun with wares resplendent shone. Amazed, to the glittering scenc he hies, And on a bowl he fixed his steadfast eyes, Which having seized, he homeward took his way, And all besides were vanished away ; © For which offence the fairies, day and night, Occasion took to show him some despite. Now he some beef had taken from his side, Which, on a spray, he at the embers fricd ; When irefully on a spray likewise Over his meat an ugly toad one fries, At which the hungry shepherd’s choler rose, And bids it cease, or he’d proceed to blows ; But it persists, until, outrageous grown He takes his staff and knocks the elfin down. An instant shriek the sylvan tribes alarm, Who back demand, “ Niphus, who did thee harm ?”’ It answered quoth they, “ Self do, Self have, Such as he gives, again he shall receive.”’ Then music strange immediately did sound, And rock to rock responsive echo’d round ; While to his sight great numbers did appear On every side, which made him shake with fear. Small was their stature—all alike wore dressed, Each wore a tunic belted round the waist, Of wondrous texture, passing human skill, Which they could turn invisible at will;

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Shoes black as sloes, green was their glossy hair, And each for armour bore a shining spear. Surrounded thus with foes he could not flee, ° But takes his staff and climbs into a tree ; For he was near to an adjacent grove, Where hollies deep their branches interwove. Then suddenly, all clad in grassy green, Him they invest with bills and axes keen, To fell the tree assiduously they wrought. And, quoth the tale, though some the truth may doubt, All the long night thus quite forlorn was he, And ’scapes from bough to bough, from tree to tree, Which they beset until the morning pray, And village cocks proclaimed approaching day. Then to his joy they took a sudden flight, And quick as lightning vanish’d out of sight. On passing along the Greenfield valley the visitor will notice on his right hand a whitewashed cottage standing alone by a quiet lane side. This is the house in which the renowned Jone o’ Grenfilt is said to have resided before his grand march “to Owdham” and his “ battle wi t? French,” of which we shall say more anon. Jone, I believe, was a real living character at the latter end of the last century, but as to where his remains are to be found I cannot give any information. Local report does not give Jone a good character, but rather the contrary, for I have been informed by certain “old inhabitants” that whilst he lay dead in his house awaiting the funeral, “‘ th’ dule had no’ patience to wait for him till th’ buryin wer o’er, but fot him through t’ skyleet one dark neet, so at he never wer buried.” An old tree in the valley is connected with Jone’s history, and an interesting story founded upon it is inserted, with many other chapters relating to Saddleworth, in the Shepherd’s Magazine, edited by Geerge Smith, himself a Saddleworth man, and author of “The Mountain Minstrel,” and other poems. : After entering Chaw—or, as it is more generally called, Chew—Valley (the name being derived from an ancient British word signifying “‘ water’), the road winds through the defile in a zig-zag direction for three or four miles along the side of the hill, and the rugged scenery and solemn solitude is not casily forgotten. On the left hand tall beetling crags, some fifty or a hundred feet high, rear aloft,

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and seem ready to fall and crush to atoms the bold adventurer who passes there ; whilst on the other side of the narrow and unguarded pathway another precipice descends almost per- pendicularly to the surging rivulet below. A short distance from the entrance to Chew Vallcy the road crosses a small culvert spanning a stream, which descends rapidly and, picturesquely from Charnel Clough. In this clough an incident occurred some years ago which will tend to illustrate the dangers which beset the benighted traveller on these hills. A maniac had escaped from some neighbouring asylum, and search was made for him in all directions, but every inquiry was futile, so that after a lapse of time all hopes of finding him were abandoned. During the succeeding grouse season, however, one of the sportsmen ascending Charnel Clough discovered the remains of the lost maniac, who had evidently fallen from the rocks above. Another individual was also lost in this locality whilst engaged running a trail; and the untimely death of Moses Chapman, who was found dead in a snow drift not many years since, may be mentioned, with many other instances of death and danger amongst our wild and lonely scenes. After proceeding a mile or two up the valley the road becomes less dangerous, and finally reaches the summit of the hill, whence a footpath is conducted forwards to Crowden and Woodhead. At Chew Wells, near to the shooting box of Messrs. Whitehead, of Royal George Mills, is a clear pellucid spring (Chew Wells) once famous for certain virtues it was supposed to possess, but now almost entirely forgotten. Retracing our steps down the defile, and emerging in the barren tract called The Wilderness, we may either cross the Greenfield Brook, and so gain the road to Bill’s o’ Jack’s, or return to the Clarence Hotel. On this occasion we will follow the latter plan, in order to join the company who have not been to chew, and then proceed to Bill’s o’ Jack’s together. Speaking of the Greenfield valley, a rare work on “ The History and Topography of the Township of Saddleworth,” &c., published m 1828, by Mr. Butterworth, author of the histories of Rochdale, Oldham, Ashton, &c., contains the following :—

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See, Greenfield opens to the wondering eye, With a grand picture of antiquity! Hills thrown on hills, and rocks on rocks are piled, In hoary grandeur through this rural wild. BotTromuey.

The waters of the Chaw, which wind their way through this delightful vale, add an additional charm to the beauties that are here disclosed :— From the moist meadow to the withered hill, Led by the breeze, the vivid verdure runs, And swells and deepens to the cherished eye. The hawthorn whitens ; and the juicy groves Put forth their buds, unfolding by degrees, Till the whole leafy forest stands displayed In full luxuriance to the sighing gales ; Where the kine rustle through the twining brake, And the birds sing concealed. THomMson. Description and language, though of the most luxurious kind, possess not the power of fully displaying the pic- turesque scenery which presents itself on approaching nearer to Greenfield, the most romantic part of which is seen on approaching the mill. The summits of the hills on each side stretch into extensive moorlands, while at their feet is disclosed a luxuriance of highly cultivated lands. The beautiful mansion of Holly Ville is situated on the declivity of Aldermans, overlooking the valley of Greenfield, and at a short distance from Boarshurst (the wood of the boar). In front of the mansion is an elegant portico of freestone, corresponding with the majestic appearance of the house, which is situated amongst extensive plantations of perennials ; the sloping lawns, the flowery walks, and the gloomy, though pleasing shades, inspire the mind to contemplation. The prospect from hence is splendid: the rugged mountain of Aldermans impending above in hoary grandeur, with the woody expanse of and the opposite barren elevations, form an extremely fine contrast to the rich, delightful, and varied scenery around the house, below which the wanderings of the Tame and the Chaw shed a radiance on the beautiful view exhibited herefrom. How still the scene, how fair, how grand! The light so soft, the shades so deep! Oh! such a scene might raise the heart, Transport to heaven the soul of joy!

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The road to Greenfield winds its way through plantations of trees, along the banks of the meandering stream of the Chaw, till we come to a substantial wooden bridge at the foot of lofty Aldermans. Here that beautiful scene opens where is disclosed the elegant house and, nearly adjoining, the large woollen manufactory of Mr. Bottomley, called Greenfield Mill, and all the bold and romantic scenery surrounding the place bursts at once upon the admiring and astonished eye of the beholder. On the declivity of Aldermans are extensive plantations. The level plain be- tween here and the foot of Alphin is laid out in pleasing walks. The scene here is almost Elysian. The hoary grandeur of the almost perpendicular rocks of Dovestone immediately in front, with the semi-circular ridge of Alphin, all combine to render Greenfield as romantic, perhaps, as any part of Derbyshire, and the pride and boast of: the inhabitants of the chapelry.

The sheltered vales are interspersed with woods— Firs ever green, and sweet translucent floods ; While crystal springs from mossy grottoes stray, And on their margins sportive lambkins play.

And, again, his muse, descriptive of Dovestone, thus begins :— But if great Dovestone’s lofty top we gain, Impending dreadful o’er the sylvan plain, Charmed with new wonders, raptured as we risc, Climes far remote the wandering eye descries ; ‘Woods, plains, and spires, and many a distant town— Fair England’s pride—the circling landscape crown. Down Dovestone Dean, bencath the mountain brow, Of healing power, the mineral waters flow ; ‘Where nymphs and swains at evening hour repair, From distant towns, to breathe the purer air.

Pursuing the Greenfield road, past the gates of Holly Ville, the ruggedness of the higher parts of Greenfield is laid out before us, and, in place of the leaf-clad trees and sheltered walks we have hitherto had, our road now winds along the precipitous slope of Aldermans, and a wide expanse of dreary heath-clad moorland meets our view. On leaving the plantation, which has hitherto somewhat

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hidden the scene, the stranger will be struck by the appear- ance of the rock-crowned hill rising almost perpendicularly above him ; while, on the other hand, the Greenfield stream gently ripples below over its pebbly bed. On the opposite side of the stream, and just below Dovestone and the entrance to Ashway Gap, stands the castellated mansion erected by the late James Platt, Esq., M.P. for Oldham, who unfortunately was shot on the adjoining moors, on August 27th, 1857, a near relative of his being the accidental cause of the calamity. In the bottom of the valley, too, but on our side of the stream, stands a quiet white house, which is often patronised by botanists and lovers of the surrounding scenery in preference to Bill’s o’ Jack’s, or when the latter place is overthronged, as often occurs in the summer season. The road down to the “Good Intent” is rather awkward, but the quiet pedestrian will find it a comfortable resting place, and, if he so minds, can follow the stream from thence to the more noisy and more famous house above. Following the turnpike a little further, we espy “‘ The Moorcock Inn’’—Bill’s o’ Jack’s—situated on the verge of a plantation of firs below the road, and which is attained by a carriage road leading from the turnpike. In external appearance the house bears the same general characteristics as the common dwelling houses which dot the hills and dales of Saddleworth ; and an uninterested observer could not differ it from such except in the “height of the season” (for Bill’s o’ Jack’s has its season), when some fifty or sixty conveyances of all kinds, shapes, and colours, and laden with happy pleasure parties, deposit their burdens at this lonely inn. Of the accommodation at Bill’s o’ Jack’s we cannot say much, and the large dancing “shed” is a disgrace to the establishment. T must now again return to my visit hereto with which I commenced this sketch, and introduce my acquaintance “Owd Kedlock” once more upon the scene. After I had been stationed there some time the old man made his appearance, bearing his bundle of “ valuables” beneath his arm, and, upon secing me, marched up to the table where I was sitting, and, putting down the packet before me,

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exclaimed, “Theer! Aw’m droy!” The old man com- menced his performance with “a gill,” and I proceeded to examine the packet, which contained several old and faded manuscripts, dated about the time of the murder, and numbers of.the Manchester Courier for the year 1832. To the latter I paid first attention, and in the one dated April 7th I found the following :-—

On Monday evening, the 2nd of April, 1832, one of the most diabo- lical murders ever perpetrated took place at a well-known public house called Bill’s o’ Jack’s, situated in one of the wild and most dreary valleys in Saddleworth, on the line of the Ashton-under-Lyne and Huddersfield* road. The two inmates, consisting of the publican, 85 years of age, whose name was William Bradbury, or, as he was commonly called, Bill o’ Jack’s, and his son Thomas, 47 years of age, were the victims of this atrocious deed. The crime was not discovered until half-past ten o’clock on the following morning, when a little irl, grandaughter of the old man, happening to call for some barm, ound the two unfortunate individuals on the floor, weltering in their blood. The walls and flags were streaming with gore; which, with the moans of the house dog over the victims, who were still alive, rendered the scene a spectacle of the most heart-rending description. The girl immediately ran for assistance, and fortunately met Mr. Samuel Heginbottom, surgeon, of Uppermill, who proceeded with her to the house ; and further aid being procured, every mcans were taken to restore the dying men, though there scarcely existed a hope of their recovery. On the head of Thomas were found fifteen frightful gashes, his skull was also fractured; and, after suffering intense pain, he died about three o’clock on Tuesday. The old man was not so dreadfully mangled, but his wounds, particularly of the face, legs, and left hand, were very serious, and he died at one o’clock on Wednesday morning. He described the men who attacked them as five Irishmen. The relations of the deceased found that £7 in moncy, as well as several suits of wearing apparel, had been stolen by the murderers, who, it is supposed, perpetrated the deed by means of pokers, a sword-stick, and a horse-pistol, which has been found, as well as a bullet belonging to it. A man named Dawson, who lives a little above the place, says that, as he passed the house on Monday evening, he heard a noisée, but thinking it was company he took no more notice. A Mr. Platt,

* The reporter erred in stating that the scene of the murder is on the line of the Ashton and Huddersfield Road. It is a little to the right of the turnpike road, which had been opened a very short time before, from Nook Steer to Holm- firth, and forming the direct road from the latter place by way of Saddleworth, Stalybridge, and Ashton to Manchester. Of course, during the formation of this road, Irish labourers were employed in considerable numbers, many of whom would be perfectly familiar with Bill’s o’ Jack’s public house, the only one, and indeed the only house, except a few mud hovels together with a turf shebeen, about half-way over the wild table-land in the direction of Isle of Sky, a distance of four or five miles. The house at the Isle of Sky is not now an inn, although it was about the period referred to, and for many years afterwards.

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residing at Primrose, in Saddleworth, states that he accompanied the younger some distance from the house, about dusk on Monday evening, eaving the old man near the dwelling; and they met three Irishmen of suspicious appearance—one wore a blue linen slop, a second a black coat, and the third drab trousers and fustian jacket. After completing the errand on which he went the younger returned home. ‘Two or three persons saw the same three men on whom suspicion has fallen lurking in the neighbourhood. An active search is being made after the villains. The following is the copy of a letter received by our deputy constable, from a gentleman who happened to be passing by the spot where the murder was committed, shortly after its discovery :—

“ Huddersfield, April 3rd, 1832.

‘‘Mr. S. Lavender.—Sir,—I was travelling this morning from Stalybridge to Holmfirth, through a place called Greenfield, at the border of the moors, about seven miles from Oldham. I was attracted by a concourse of people about a very lonely house, a short distance from the road, to inquire what was to do, and was informed that a murder had been committed in the house in the course of the preceding night. I then went in to learn the particulars. I entered a room about ten feet square, with a flagged floor; with a chest of mahogany drawers on one side, the front of which appeared to have been broken in, as if with a heavy hammer. The floor was covered with blood, as if it was a butcher’s slaughter house. The walls of the room on three sides were sprinkled with human blood, which had flowed from the bodies of the murdered men, in consequence of heavy blows with some iron instrument; and even the glass of the windows on the fourth side was splashed with blood to a height of five feet from the floor. I went up the wooden staircase, the steps of which were covered with blood from the footmarks of persons who had gone from the lower room, and there I found a number of persons, and two men lying upon a bed, literally covered with bruises from head to foot—William Bradbury, a man upwards of eighty years of age, and Thomas Bradbury, his son, apparently between thirty and forty years of age. I understand they were the only persons who resided in the house, and kept a public or retail beerhouse. They were found about ten o’clock this morning. I was informed that a surgeon had seen them, who said that he could render them no assistance; in my own opinion, a very few hours would terminate their existence. ‘When found, they were both lying on the floor, covered with blood and bruises. I understand Thomas Bradbury has nevor spoken since they were found. The old man was almost incapable of speaking. I understand that he had said that five Irishmen had come in upon them in the early part of the evening, and had committed the deed and robbed the house. I made inquiry whether he could describe their persons and dress, when he said they were tall men, and ono of them wore dirty fustian trousers and a very ragged coat, but he was unable to tell me the colour. I have also learnt that persons of a similar description were scen a few miles further on the road

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earlier in the afternoon; one of them wore a white straw hat. It is supposed they are gone towards Oldham or Manchester, and are probably escaping to Ireland. I have no doubt they will be easily detected, as their clothes cannot be otherwise than covered with blood. I consider information to you as the best course to adopt for their detection, and am respectfully, your obedient servant,


We understand that an individual whose dress and appearance corresponds with the description of one of the men suspected of this horrid deed is in custody at Delph, and stands remanded for further examination.


The following Manchester Courier, dated April 14th, says :—

On Saturday, an inquest on the bodies of the two Bradburys— father and son—who were murdered in their cottage at Greenfield, on the night of Monday week, was held at the King William Fourth public house, Roadend, near Uppermill (the next inn to the scene of the diabolical deed), before Michael Stokes, junior, Esq., coroner for the Agbrig division, and a respectable jury, who, after viewing the bodies, examined the following witnesses :— Mary WINTERROTTOM, about twelve years of age, granddaughter of the elder deceased, said she was the first that discovered the murder. On going up to her grandfather’s for some yeast, about ten o’clock on Tuesday morning, she saw a man bleeding to death on the floor, and, the house dog barking at her, she ran back to James Whitehead’s, ‘the next house, called Binn Green, and told them of the circumstance, and then went home. JAMES WHITEHEAD said that, accompanied by his wife and another person, he went up to Bradbury’s, and there found Thomas Bradbury stretched on the floor, and encircled by streams of blood. He never spoke, but groaned. On going up the stairs, which were bloody, he found the old man in bed, dreadfully wounded, and not able to utter any intelligible word, except that of “ Pats, Pats,’’ from which he inferred that some Irishmen had murdered them merely for the sake of the few articles or little money they could seize. ‘The stairs, windows, walls, and every part of the house were plashed with blood. He then fetched Mr. 8. Heginbottom, a surgeon, who happened to be at his (the witness’s) house, attending a daughter of his who was sick. Mr. Hecinzortom said that, on going to the house, he discovered the bleeding victim in the house to be the younger Bradbury. His head had swelled considerably, and was fractured, apparently from blows struck by pokers, a broken pistol, and sword-stick, and probably from a shovel, which was dyed in blood. The largest wound on his head was four inches long. THis pulsation had ceased, and he died about three o’clock that afternoon. He found two pounds of

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coagulated blood near the pantry door, and almost every portion of the furniture more or less The old man was half-dressed, lying in bed, bleeding profusely from frightful wounds in various parts of his body. His words were inarticulate, and he died at one o’clock on Wednesday morning. In the house he found a sword-stick of beech, resembling a flute, which the constables had known as the property of the younger. Near the dwelling was also picked up a broken horse pistol, which he produced, and which, from its numerous screws, locks, &c., would form a desperate weapon, and was no doubt used in committing the murder, as some locks of Thomas’s hair adhered to it. ReEvuBEN Puatr, the person who had seen three Irishmen near the spot on the night of the murder, said, after going to Bradbury’s and staying some time, he being acquainted with them, the younger Bradbury left the place along with him, leaving the old man alone, between six and seven o’clock ; Platt to go home and Bradbury on an errand. They had not gone far on the road when they met three men. Before coming up to them Thomas said, “ There’s three Irish- men; I don’t like them, and leave my father at home One of the Irishmen asked how far it was to Holmfirth. Thomas talked with him as if he knew him; the others skulked, and one of them turned his back upon them. Thomas afterwards said of this man who turned his back that he believed he was the man who once stole a pair of his stockings; he also expressed his wish to see what these fellows were after. He (witness) and ‘Thomas watched them skulking on the road till they had passed Bradbury’s house. ‘Thomas then said, ‘‘ Let’s go;” so they passed forward to the shop at Roadend, which is a mile and a half from Bradbury’s, and the place where Thomas had come to buy some household articles. The witness said he parted with Thomas here, and went home. One of the men wore a torn, shabby hat, blue slop, and darkish-coloured cotton trousers, and was a tall man ; a second had light-coloured trousers, half boots, and shabby black coat and torn hat; the third had on an olive fustian velveteen jacket, with broad laps, and a rim round the buttons. An Irishman named Charles Mullins, who was apprehended at Delph on Thursday morning on suspicion, was brought before the coroner. Waterhouse, a constable who had been despatched to Leeds to ascertain whether the account the prisoner gave of himself was correct, said he had found it to be all true. The accused answered questions relative to the place where he said he had been so satisfac- torily that he was immediately discharged. A verdict of wilful murder against some person or persons at present unknown, was returned. A reward of £100 is offered for the conviction of the murderers.

A paragraph in the Courier, of the same date, informs us that—

At petty sessions held at Dobcross this day (Wednesday), before James Buckley, Esq., and the Rev. T. S. Mills, Mr. Hudson, constable of Rotherham, accompanied by one of the Huddersfield constables,

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appeared to relate the particulars of the apprehension of two men at Rotherham, about eleven on Monday, suspected as two of the villains who murdered the Bradburys. The two men were taken whilst applying for relief at the vagrants’ office, Rotherham, in conse- quence of their dress corresponding with that of the persons seen by Reuben Platt on the night of the murder. The Rotherham constable said that one of the arrested persons, calling himself William Jarvis, stood d5ft. 5jin. high; wore a shabby fustian jacket, with broad laps; and was a stout, square, well-looking man. Reuben Platt, who was present, said one of the individuals he saw answered this description. The other person, named William Stephenson, was a thin-looking person, habited in drab trousers and slouched hat, standing 5ft. 7in. The appearance of this man, though not exactly answering the description of one of the men seen by Platt, corresponded in many points. The constable said they refused to say where they were on the fatal night. One of them describes himself as a joiner from Manchester. They spoke neither pure English nor Irish, though the latter looked like an Irishman. Platt said that the man that talked with the younger Bradbury did not speak with an Irish accent. The persons in custody had no bundles, neither had they any bruises on their faces or hands. The magistrates requested that they might be detained till further search took place. The constables of Huddersfield are in pursuit of three suspected persons residing near that town, and Mr. Buckley, constable of Saddleworth, has been informed that three men similar to the persons seen by Platt were observed at Hooley Hill, a few minutes past twelve on the night of the murder.

The Courier, of April 21st, 1832, says :—

Two persons bearing the name of Bradbury, but no relations of the deceased, and commonly called Tom Bredburys,” were appre- hended near Huddersfield, on Monday, on suspicion of being concerned in the recent Saddleworth murders, under the following circumstances : They were both well known as poachers; and, a short time previous to the murder, one of them was charged with pursuing game in the Greenfield plantations, on the information of Tom Bradbury, the younger victim of the murder, and he was bound over to appear at the Pontefract sessions, which commenced the day after the murder ; and there the defendant appeared, claiming an acquittal, as Tom Bradbury was unable to appear against him. The magistrates, who had not then heard of the horrid decd, were surprised at this informa- tion, which awakened suspicions; and the prisoners, who reside near Huddersfield, were taken into custody on Monday, and will be examined before the magistrates of that town to-day. The prisoners called at the New Inn (now called the Church Inn) public house, near Saddle- worth Church, on the evening of the murder, and, after drinking some beer, left, stating that they were going to Holmfirth, and on their way they would pass Bradbury’s house. The two men apprehended at Rotherham, last week, having produced a satisfactory alibi, have been discharged. The threc men seen at Hooley Hill on the night of the murder correspond in their appearance with those secn by Reuber,

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Platt. A proclamation has been issued from the Secretary of State’s office, offering a reward of £200 for the discovery of the murderers. As a further inducement, the King’s pardon is promised to any concerned (except the actual murderers), who shall discover his accomplices.

On April 28th the same paper says :—

The two individuals in custody at Huddersfield last week, as suspected of being concerned in the murder of the Bradburys, were brought before the Huddersfield magistrates on the Saturday, and, after a long examination of witnesses produced to prove an alidi in favour of the prisoners, they were discharged. ‘Twomen, of suspicious appearance, were apprehended in Liverpool, but discharged on Tuesday. othing further is yet known of the murderers.

Not finding anything more relating to this sad affair in the columns of the Courier, I turned my attention to old Kedlock’s manuscripts, but found no material difference in the two accounts, except in the account of the trial of “ Red Tom.” In the manuscript it is asserted that upon the adjournment of the first trial, ‘“‘ Red Tom” spoke out boldly in public, and said that Tom o’ Bill’s 0’ Jack’s would not appear against him at the sessions; and the sequel proved him right. Whether or not “Red Tom” instigated the Irishmen to commit the murder we have no means of knowing, but the Saddleworth people even yet associate them together, and it is said that when “ Red Tom” departed this life, near Holmfirth, some years since, he died in extraordinary agony, and constantly mentioning the murder of the two Bradburys. Whoever committed the crime they still remain undiscovered, and the murder of Bill o’ Jack’s will probably remain one of the mysteries of the age.

The evidence given at the inquest by James Whitehead was to the effect that the old man, on being discovered in his mutilated condition, said in answer, it is presumed, to inquiries respecting the murderers, “ Pats, Pats,’ thus leading to the natural inference that the bloody deed had been committed by Irishmen. It was much questioned at the time in the neighbourhood whether the words were “Pats, Pats,” or ‘ Platts, Platts.” Theold man could only speak with extreme difficulty, and very indistinctly, so that the bystanders might easily mistake the one for the other.


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It will be observed, however, that a very different inference might be drawn from the slight and imperfect utterances of the poor sufferer, if the word which he tried to pronounce was Platts instead of Pats. Its use might imply—provided the dying man was sufficiently conscious to understand the questions put to him, and the bearing of his reply—that the - deed had been done by a number of men, one of whom, at least, bore the name of Platt. This idea has not yet died out in the district, and strong suspicions, founded mainly, if not solely, upon that slight hypothesis, were directed towards Reuben Platt, apparently the only witness called at the inquest to speak to the appearance of the three Irishmen near the place where the tragedy occurred. Persons by whom this theory respecting the implication of Reuben Platt was held, or perhaps only half believed, would note several unquestionable facts in its support. In the first place, the story of the three Irishmen having been seen near the moorland inn, where the murder was committed, originated with Reuben Platt. We are aware that in the first paragraph which appeared in the Manchester respecting the murder, it is alleged that two or three persons saw them lurking in the neighbourhood, but nothing what- ever is said about it in any subsequent account. No one was called at the inquest to corroborate Reuben Platt’s story, although every one must see how essential it was for the ends of justice that a point of such immense importance should be thoroughly investigated. So far as we can see, the inquest was by no means very exhaustive in character, but it is difficult to believe that any coroner, charged with the solemn duty of ascertaining how the victims came to their sad end, and by whom the murder had been committed, could fail to see the importance of examining every witness likely to say anything at all respecting the appearance of the three persons presumed to be the perpetrators of the crime. Even if such witnesses could have added nothing to the description of the Irishmen, or given no further details respecting their dress, the mere corroboration of the fact that they were in Saddleworth, and the comparison of where they had been noticed, and the time, would have been very important, giving, as such facts would be certain to

Page 23


give, reliable indications of the places they had come from, or were going to. Yet no such witnesses were called before the coroner, and it 1s, therefore, tolerably evident that if the three Irishmen were not a myth, the testimony of Reuben Platt alone established their presence in the neighbourhood, and that the allegation of the newspaper respecting other people having seen them was merely one of those flying reports engendered in a neighbourhood whenever events of a startling and mysterious character take place. There are, however, several circumstances which to some extent seem to acconnt for the rise of the statement made in the Aanchester Courier of other persons having observed some strangers in the district on the night of the murder, but they could not possibly be the three Irishmen whom Reuben Platt professed to have seen shortly after he and Tom Bradbury started on their journey to Roadend. Between six and seven o'clock on the evening of the murder, a number of factory operatives, returning from their work at Greenfield Mill, stopped near the bottom of the hill at Nook Steer, and some of them began to play at pitch and toss. The road from thence, by way of Riddings and Mossley Bottoms to Stalybridge was in course of formation, thus completing the turnpike route from Manchester to Holmfirth, and a number of people had congregated when the youths commenced their game of pitch and toss. While they were thus employed five men, dressed in the style of farm labourers or carters, came up. Most of them wore the long smock frock usual amongst that class of people, and one had on his head a slouching kind of hat,’ much battered about the upper regions, if, indeed, it had any crown left at all. As they were passing the halfpennies of the absorbed gamblers were going up and down, and one of the coins accidentally fell upon the head of the stranger who sported the shocking bad hat. A demand was made for it, but the stranger refused to give it up, or denied that he knew anything about it. This. led to some angry words being exchanged, and for some time there was a slight row amongst the parties. While this was going on, Tom Bradbury, accompanicd by Reuben Platt, passed the group on their way to Roadend. Tom was dressed as usual, in a dark green shooting jacket, cord

Page 24


breeches, and leggings, the style still common amongst gamekeepers and their assistant watchers. He had a basket at his back, which was slung across his shoulders by a leathern strap. He and Reuben Platt went forwards towards Roadend, while the five men—whether Irishmen or not does not seem to be certain, but they would be likely enough to be regarded as such merely on the ground of being strangers—passed on in the opposite direction, as if going to Holmfirth, along the road leading nearly past Bill’s o’ Jack’s. They had called at an alehouse at Roadend, then kept by a person named Hinchcliffe, where they had a pint or quart of beer. The fact of these men having been thus seen when Tom and Reuben Platt were passing would be likely enough to be regarded at first as a verification of the story told by the latter; but when Reuben’s version of the three was compared with the story of the five men seen at Nook Steer, it would be perceived at once that the three near Bill’s o’ Jack’s and the five far away from there related to two distinct groups, and could therefore form no corroboration of Reuben Platt’s evidence respecting the Trishmen, met—if at all—miles away, and half-an-hour previously, at the least. We are therefore forced, by the considerations referred to above, to the conclusion that the story of Reuben Platt had not the faintest corroboration from any quarter, and that the coroner did not neglect calling witnesses who might have given some valuable evidence respecting the three suspected Irishmen; but that, on the contrary, there was really no such testimony forthvoming. It strikes us as somewhat strange that no one saw these three Irishmen except Reuben Platt, and his story, together with the fact that he was so long in company with Thomas Bradbury on the day of the murder, surely ought to have induced the coroner and jury to make a very strict investigation of the movements of the witness during the rest of the night, or after he parted with Tom at Roadend. ‘This does not seem to have been done; at least, the account furnishes no hint of anything of the kind. It will be noted that, if Reuben Platt had some connection with the murder, either in conjunction with the “ Red Bredburys” or other confe-

Page 25


derates, he would have a most powerful motive for strong efforts to shift all traces of suspicion from himself, and he would therefore understand the full importance of turning to account the broken, imperfectly-caught words alleged to have fallen from the lips of William Bradbury, knowing well that “ Pats” was much too uncomfortably near the sound of his own name, and that it might be seized upon as a clue to implicate him, or to cast suspicion upon him. But even if we admit that the three Irishmen were seen by him and Thomas Bradbury near the place of the murder at the time alleged, their presence would by no means prove their guilt, any more than the fact of the five men being noticed going in the same direction half-an-hour afterwards would implicate them. According to Reuben Platt’s own version of the affair at the inquest, the three Irishmen were © watched by him and Tom “skulking” on the road, and they saw them pass the top of the road leading down to the house, which would mean that they kept the turn- pike road, and in full view of Tom and Reuben for a considerable distance as they proceeded up the hill in the direction of Holmfirth. They certainly might return, but, if they were really bent upon the perpetration of murder, they would be very likely to watch Tom and Reuben, when they saw, as they undoubtedly did, that they had aroused some misgivings in them. They would therefore walk on until they were perfectly certain that no one was noticing them and then return to accomplish their deed of blood. It must, however, be remembered that they would be just as liable as not to meet the five strangers seen at Nook Steer, who would be near the place before nightfall, and it admits of little doubt that, whoever the murderers were, they would not go to the house until it was dark. The probability is that it was hours after then before the deed was committed, or, as we shall attempt to show, not, at the earliest, before half-past ten o’clock. It is extremely improbable that the three Irishmen would go down to the inn, after turning _ back a mile or two, for the mere purpose of drinking, when they had such a long and wild journey before them; and, if they did, can any one suppose for a moment that, having no motive except plunder, they would have considered it


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necessary to kill the fecble old man for that purpose? But, even if they were men who had worked upon the new turn- pike road leading to Holmfirth, and possibly afraid of being remembered by old Bradbury, and so came to the conclusion that their own safety demanded his murder, is it likely that they would defer the execution of their plan until the two powerful men whom they had met before they reached the house might return? They would have completed their diabolical crime quickly, and have been far away with their plunder long before half-past ten Looked at from any point of view the theory involved in Reuben Platt’s three Irishmen appears to be utterly unten- able, and their very existence cxtremely problematical. ‘he manner, too, in which he endeavoured, at the inquest, to intensify the feeling excited against the assumed perpe- trators of the deadly crime is somewhat remarkable, and not altogether free from suspicion. He alleged that one of the three Irishmen, on being met by him and Thomas Brad- bury, skulked, seemed disinclined to show his face, and turned his back upon them. Surely there could be nothing unusual in a man turning his back to them when one of his companions was merely asking respecting the road to Holm- firth. If he had his back to Reuben and Tom, he would certainly have his face towards the direction of his journey, «very slight ground indeed for the charge of skulking. The story, too, of Thomas Bradbury alleging, after they had yarted with the men, that he believed the man who had his back to them was one who, some time before, had stolen a pair of his stockings, seems very like a piling up of the sus- picion sought to be raised against the three Irishmen. Platt was, however, not content with one charge of skulking; he proceeded to allege that they watched the men “skulking”’ past the house, and that Tom expressed his uneasiness at leaving his father alone. Now, whether there was any reason for alleging that one of the Irishmen skulked when first met or not, there could not be the slightest ground for charging the three with skulking afterwards. They merely went on their way, and nothing whatever that Reuben Platt or his companion could possibly sce warranted such a pre- sumption as skulking. It was evidently a mere afterthought,

Page 27


.on the part of the witness, thrown in for the purpose of ightening the effect, and also perhaps under the impres- on that any details given—although they might be as really foreign to the point as Dame Quickly’s good dish of prawns—would render his evidence more reliable. But even if it be assumed that Reuben Platt and Tom could see something of a suspicious character in the appearance and gait of the three Irishmen, such a fact would really add considerably to the difficulty of accounting for the continu- ance of Tom’s journey to Roadend. His misgivings on account of the aspect of the Irishmen and the loneliness of his aged father either never existed in his mind at all, or if they did, they were so slight that he went forwards to make his purchases in spite of them. Indeed there is an air of absurdity about the uneasiness of ‘Tom at the loneliness of’: his father. Why the old man had lived at the house a number of years alone, even when the district was swarming with Irish navvies engaged in making the turnpike road from Greenfield to Holmfirth, and so utterly unconscious of danger that the outer door of the little inn was left unlocked every night, as it was indeed years after the murder had taken place. We remember asking one of the subsequent landlords of the house, when he had astonished us by stating that he never locked his doors at nights, how it was that he could neglect the most ordinary precautions in such a ionely situation, and with the memory of the awful murder con- stantly before him. His reply was to the effect that he and his family were accustomed to the loneliness so that it did not affect them, and that, so far away from neighbours, the locking of doors would be no precaution against men deter— mined to break into the place. For a considerable period before the occurrence of the tragedy, Thomas Bradbury’s wife and family resided at Sidebank, situated at the upper hand of the turn of the turnpike road, considerably nearer to Greenfield than Bill’s o’ Jack’s, but the cottages most contiguous to the place, on the direct road from Nook Steer. Sidebank, has since then been considerably altered, the cottages having been thrown together to form one mansion, where the Misses Buckley now reside. Had there been any great sense of loneliness on the part of William Bradbury,

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it is probable that the wife and family of Thomas would have removed to the inn, where there was plenty of accom- modation for them. They seem to have lived at Sidebank merely that such of the children as worked at Greenfield Mill or elsewhere might not be quite so far from their work, while the old man’s son, Tom, usually slept at the inn with his father, and assisted him, in addition to his work as gamekeeper, in the business. Tom was frequently away from the place, so that his father was accustomed to be perfectly alone. The story told by Reuben Platt at the inquest, on being carefully examined by the light of facts such as we have referred to, well known in the district, and to corroborate which we have spent some pains, appears to be thoroughly untrustworthy in its details, as well as in its main features. Tt hangs loosely and clumsily together, and has about it an unmistakeable air of having been framed with an eye to effect, if not for the purpose of hiding the truth, and of diverting suspicion from him who narrated it. The exist- ence of the three Irishmen is doubtful, as they were not seen by any persons in the district except Reuben. The uncertainty of the words pronounced by the old man, and the close approach of the word “ Pat’ to Platt; the evident motive which Reuben would have in improving the alleged utterance of the word by supplying the presence of Irishmen . near the scene of the terrible drama; the anxiety which he displayed in intensifying suspicion against the presumed murderers ; the crude afterthought respecting the skulking; and the improbable details of Tom’s anxiety respecting his father’s loncliness,—all point in the same direction, and tend to discredit the testimony on which the guilt of the three Irishmen rests. We must also add one or two other little matters connected with him and his evidence at the inquest. The allusion to one of the Irishmen as the person that had stolen Tom’s pair of stockings on some previous occasion is a strange thing. If Tom really said anything of that kind to his companion as they were journeying towards Roadend, we greatly mistake the characteristics of the class to which they belonged if the conversation rested there. Would not Reuben naturally ask something respecting the

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details of the theft? Would he not enquire when, where, and how the stockings were stolen? If Tom said anything on such a subject, and knew or believed that one of the three Irishmen was the thief, would it not imply that he was no entire stranger in the neighbourhood, that he had probably been engaged as a navvie in the formation of the new turnpike road on which they were travelling, that had been completed scarcely more than a year before the murder took place? And if so, would not Tom know the name of . the presumed thief, or at least some cognomen by which he was known? If such a conversation took place between Tom and Reuben Platt,—and it is difficult to believe that some references such as we have indicated were not made, as they talked the subject over,—why did not Reuben Platt tell the coroner and the jury about it? Hven the by-name of one of the suspected men would have been no mean clue under the circumstances, and the absence of anything in the evidence beyond a bare allusion to the stealing of the stockings is another strong indication that Reuben Platt made part of his inquest story as he told it to the jury. Having examined his evidence given before the coroner, we may follow the hypothesis that Reuben Platt was, possibly implicated in the tragedy a little further. There can be no doubt that he was at Bill’s o’ Jack’s on the afternoon of the murder, and he must have remained there until five o’clock at least. He knew—and no one else had the knowledge—that the little inn contained no company, and that after Tom and he left the house the old man, eighty-four years of age, and consequently too feeble to offer any effectual or prolonged resistance to a murderous attack, would be quite alone until the return of his son. He would therefore be an easy victim. He walked with Tom to Roadend, and then parted with him at the shop, in order to go home to Primrose, on the hill-side above Saddleworth Church. It will be noticed that he took a very unusual — and circuitous course in going to Primrose from Bill’s 0’ Jack’s by way of Roadend. He quadrupled the journey home, in order to keep company with the doomed man. He might have crossed the hill,—Church Moors,—and by that route he was not very much over a mile from home,

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yet by going to Roadend he made the journey one of five or six miles. Did he go direct home, or did he double back to Bill’s o’ Jack’s, and in conjunction with others, attack the old man while his son was away? Whoever the mur- derers were, they had not time enough for the completion of their diabolical deed and the plunder of the house, if plunder was one of the objects in view, before Tom returned. But at what hour did he get back to his father’s house ? This point can be ascertained within a very narrow limit, and thus the precise time at which the crime was rpetrated is fixed. On coming back from Roadend with is purchases he called at Sidebank, where he remained with his wife and family up to between ten and eleven o’clock. In all probability, Reuben Platt was well aware that he would call there. It was his usual custom, and he rarely left, except on occasions when there would be a probability of more than the usual amount of business, before ten o’clock. Whether Reuben Platt had anything to do with the fearful crime or not, he would have ample time to go back home to Primrose and cross the hill to Bill’s o’ Jack’s long before Tom would be likely to return. There cannot be the remotest doubt that half-past ten at the earliest and eleven at the very latest was the time when Tom was struck down. It is generally believed that the old man had been attacked while he was alone, and that the murderers were engaged in ‘their fiendish work when Tom arrived on the scene. He was evidently assailed as soon as he had opened the door, and before he had time to prepare for an attack, or even thoroughly divest himself of his load. The candles—at that period a very essential article of domestic economy, in outlying districts especially—were scattered and crushed on the floor. He appears to have been struck, probably with the shovel, as he entered the room, but even after that he must have made a most desperate struggle for his life, traces of which were found all over the place. Whether Reuben Platt was engaged in the crime or not will never be known. ‘The suspicions against him, founded upon the old man’s indistinct mutterings, could of course never reach a oint that could be dealt with, but some people thought hardly of him as long as he lived, and as we have seen in

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our review of the evidence which he gave at the inquest, the stories told by him were a tissue of inconsistency. Before referring to the theory that the murder was committed by the ‘“ Red Bredburys,’ of Hoowood, near Bradshaw, a few miles nearer the Saddleworth border than Holmfirth, and close to the tract of extensive moorland stretching into Greenfield, we must glance at the extraor- dinary letter, addressed on the very day of the discovery of the murdered men, by Mr. Thomas Smith, to Mr. S. Laven- der, who is denominated in the Manchester Courier, where it appears, as “ our deputy constable.” It would almost seem by this phrase that Mr. Lavender was the deputy-constable of Manchester, although it is just possible that the phrase was written by a Saddleworth man in forwarding a copy of the letter to the Courier Office, and that the writer meant by it the deputy-constable of Saddleworth. The point is destitute of importance, but at that time a man named Lavender, who took considerable interest in the tragic circumstances, resided in the neighbourhood of Shaw Hall. It will be seen that the writer of the letter gives no real address, or anything by which he could be easily identified. He appears, by his own account, to have been travelling from Stalybridge to Holmfirth on the day after the murder, and, ashe passed the scene of the tragedy, his attention was arrested by the crowd around the inn. He naturally went down the road to ascertain the cause of the unwonted excitement. His letter, penned after he reached Hudders- field, is evidently that of a man accustomed to put his thoughts on paper, and able to express himself tersely and tolerably intelligently. The details given by him seem to be precisely those that would strike a keen and accurate observer, and, taken by itself, we should unhesitatingly affirm that the letter was that of a clear-headed man, bent upon doing all in his power to further the ends of justice. If the information given him was correct, the suspicions raised against Reuben Platt were altogether baseless, and even the theory that the “Red Bredburys” were the guilty parties must also fall to the ground, except they incited the Irishmen to the deed. According to Mr. Smith’s version of the circumstances, old William Bradbury,

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on the morning after the murderous assault, and apparently not many hours-after he and his son had been discovered, could converse to some extent with those around him He admits, however, that the sufferer was almost incapable of speaking, yet he distinctly affirms that the old man had told people then present that five Irishmen had come in upon them in the early part of the evening. When he (Mr. Smith) asked him whether he could describe their persons and dress, William replied that they were tall men, that one of them wore dirty fustian trousers, and a very ragged coat, but he was unable to tell the colour. It is strange that of all the persons who saw the old man on the day in question, and up to the time of his death, the stranger ~ alone, Mr. Thomas Smith, alleges that he was capable of answering questions, or of speaking so as to be understood. Tt is also extremely strange that Mr. Thomas Smith was not called as a witness at the coroner’s inquest; and, on the presumption that his statements were unimpeachable facts, it is the strangest thing of all that no magistrate was called in to take the last deposition of the murdered man. The neglect to furnish any address in the letter written to Mr. Lavender might, of course, be a mere inadvertence, but it had the undoubted effect of screening him, so that he could not be found, and, so far as we know, Mr. Thomas Smith’s address has not been discovered from that time to the present day. Had his details been correct, or even partly trustworthy, many other persons who flocked to the place on hearing of the catastrophe must have heard the old man speak, but not one of them has affirmed that the dying man could answer any question, or do more than mutter indistinctly the word Pats or Platts. Not a few of them are living at the present time (1871), and they agree in denying the old man’s ability to converse or answer any question put to him. One of them, who was present shortly after Mary Winterbottom had given the alarm, declares that William Bradbury could not speak when found, and that he. never spoke so as to be understood up to the moment of his death. His lips moved as if he was trying to say something, and a feeble mutter was detected, but no well-defined word passed his lips, so that those who alleged that he had made

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use of the words “ Pats, Pats,” several times might well be mistaken. Mr. Smith must have drawn very largely upon his imagination for his facts, and in writing his letter to Mr. S. Lavender he penned as matters within his own knowledge what was the merest hearsay, loosely floating about the crowd at the inn, swayed by horror, and in wild excitement making random guesses at the perpetrators of the appalling crime. It is easy enough to see how five Irishmen were alleged in the first instance to have done the deed. People from about Nook I Steer were amongst the earliest visitors to the place after the alarm had been made, and some of them had seen the five strangers dressed as farm labourers or carters on the previous evening, when they encountered the youths playing at pitch and toss. They had observed that they went up the road in the direction of Bill’s o’ Jack’s, and it was almost unavoid- able that suspicion should be directed towards them in the absence of any clue to the murderers. As the story passed from mouth to mouth it at length assumed shape, and they were regarded not merely as the possible but the actual mis- creants. From that point the transition was easy to the belief that the old man had actually declared them to be the guilty parties. Even the “ Pats, Pats,” which some of the people present alleged had been muttered by the sufferer might possibly be due to the mere suspicion of their guilt. If so, it must be admitted that the case against Reuben Platt, founded on the assumption that the term used by William Bradbury was “ Platt,’’ 1s considerably weakened, and all but destroyed, although his extraordinary story at the inquest is not affected thereby, to say nothing of the inade- quateness of plunder as a motive. We have shown that no confirmation of Reuben Platt’s story of the three Irishmen was forthcoming. It must, however, be admitted that a report gained currency respecting three Irishmen, answering to the description given by him, having been seen at Hooley Hill about midnight on the night of the murder, but if the deed was committed at the time which we have endeavoured to fix, they could scarcely be clear off before eleven o’clock, and it would be a very hard task to get to Hooley Hill from Bill’s o’ Jack’s in an hour. The murderers might, how- ever, find their way over the moors to that place without

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being observed, but if they were not very well acquainted with the district, and if they did not steer a very direct course, they could not possibly have reached there by the hour named, or even in double the time. Whoever com- mitted the deed had every opportunity of getting clear away unobserved by human eye. The trackless moors extend many miles in nearly every.direction from the scene of the murder, and the criminals had practically not only the entire night but also a considerable portion of the following day in which to make their escape, and destroy, as far as possible, all traces of the deed in which: they had been engaged. Hard as it is to assign an adequate motive for the murder, if committed by the Irishmen, there is no difficulty of this kind in the case of the men referred to as the “ Red Tom Bredburys.” These Bradburys were not relatives of the murdered men, although they bore the same surname. The family resided at Hoowood, near Holmfirth. It is, how- ever, not strictly correct to designate them “ Red Tom Bredburys.”’ ‘The men upon whom very serious suspicions fell were James Bradbury, usually known as Jamie Bred- bury, and his son Joe. They were son and grandson of ‘Red Tom Bredbury.” Jamie had the reputation of being a desperate poacher, and the accomplishment seems to have been hereditary in the family. Jamie was a strong, powerful man, rough, rude, and uncultivated, a hard drinker, a hard hitter, and an implacable foe. With many of the keepers engaged on the moors extending to the place where he lived, he was on terms of chronic hostility. His son Joe was silent, strong, dogged, ignorant, and capable of being led into any kind of mischief by one who, like his father, had ascendancy over him. Jamie, shortly before the murder, had been accused of poaching in the plantations near Bill’s o Jack’s house, and Tom Bradbury was the. principal witness against him, as well as the prosecutor. Jamie had already appeared before the bench, and had been bound over to appear and answer the charge at Pontefract Sessions, which opened on the 3rd of April, the day after the murder. Jt will be seen, therefore, that to an old offender like Jamie Bradbury, whom the bench would not deal with summarily,

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there was a strong motive for removing Tom, the prosecutor and chief witness, out of the way. The two Bradburys of Hoowood, father and son, were at the Church Inn, less than two miles from Bill’s o’ Jack’s, on the Monday night of the murder, and they had to pass nearly close to the little inn on their way home. They might possibly learn from Reuben Platt that Tom had gone to Roadend, and that he would not get back before ten or eleven o’clock,—for Prim- rose, where Reuben lived, is situated a short distance from the Church Inn, and nearer to Bill’s o’ Jack’s. The doings of Jamie Bradbury and his son, together with their con- federates, if they had any, are unknown. Not a particle of direct evidence connected them with the awful murder. It was, however, currently believed that they were the guilty parties, and circumstantial evidence was not wanting to countenance the conviction. On the morning of the 3rd of April, long before the news of the tragedy had reached the Holmfirth side of the hills, Jamie Bradbury had to set out for Pontefract, for the purpose of surrendering to take his trial on the poaching charge. Pontefract is a long distance from Hoowood, and there can be little doubt that the defendant had to travel a great portion of the road, perhaps the whole of it, on foot. Yet, before the close of the day, he appeared in court, and claimed to be acquitted, on the ground that the prosecutor, Thomas Bradbury, was unable to appear against him! The magistrates might well be surprised, as there had been no time for the tidings of the murder to reach Pontefract since its discovery. Jamie could not possibly have travelled’ all the way between Hoowood and Pontefract after hearing the news of it. As the victims were not found before ten o’clock on that morning, the tidings could not, at the soonest, reach Hoowood before noon, and, in days when neither railways nor telegraphs existed, and when even the coaching accommodation of the district was very defective, it was a great marvel how Jamie Bradbury could reach Pontefract with the news a few hours after the condition of the victims had been discovered. The only inference that seemed to explain the point was that Jamie and his son were guilty of the crime of murdering William and Thomas Bradbury. It was also believed in ©

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the neighbourhood by many people that when they returned home, some time after midnight, their blood-stained garments were washed by Jamie’s eldest daughter, and it was remarked that the coat which her father had worn on the day of the murder was never seen again by any of the neighbours. But Jamie had to go to Pontefract, and it is known that he set out early in the morning, five hours before it was possible for tidings of the murder to reach that district. His first object was to reach Huddersfield, and he had two routes open to him. He could either go by Holmfirth or by Meltham, but the latter being a somewhat nearer road, he went that way. He passed through Meltham before eight o’clock in the morning, and while in that village he was heard to declare that Tom o’ Bill’s would never appear against him at Ponte- fract, supplementing it with the remark that he believed he was in hell by that time. He and his son Joe were apprehended on suspicion of being the murderers, and their examination took place before the bench at Huddersfield. The absence of direct evidence to connect them with the crime ensured their acquittal. They set up an alibi, which was supported principally by Jamie’s eldest daughter. She was ready with her testimony, of course, to the effect that she saw nothing suspicious about them when they came home on Monday night, the 2nd of April, and no doubt she was equally confident that the hour at which they reached Hoowood was only just late enough to enable them to travel from the Church Inn, in Saddleworth, without stopping anywhere. Jamie and his son Joe, together with their party, were jubilant at the result, and their journey home from Huddersfield had some of the features of a triumphal procession. The reader may be quite certain that they did not forget to call at every public house on their road from Huddersfield. Up to that time Jamie Bradbury had been a constant frequenter of public houses, and even a boisterous drinker ; but from the night of his return from Huddersfield he never ventured intoan inn. The conclusion drawn from this remarkable fact was that Jamie was afraid lest he should say something when under the influence of drink that would tell to his disadvantage. It was rumoured strongly in the neighbourhood that when one of the “‘ Red Bredburys’” was

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on his deathbed he was anxious to confess his crimes, but that the family would not on any account allow anyone to enter the room where he lay. The general impression in the neigh- bourhood has been that Tom was physically so very powerful _ that there must have been a number of men—three at the least—engaged in the murderous assault upon him and his father, and it was even asserted, although, so far as we have been able to learn, on no reliable authority whatever, that strong tokens of one of the murderers being severely wounded were seen in traces of blood from the inn along the moors. With that facility for rapid generalisation which is certain to be developed whenever circumstances of a mysterious character occur, it was also alleged that this wounded man was killed by his comrades, and buried on the moors, in order that they might escape more rapidly and leave no trail behind them. That Tom Bradbury was a powerful man, equal to two ordinary antagonists, is an: undoubted fact; but Jamie Bradbury and his sen Joe were . also very strong robust men, quite able, even without other help, to cope with their victims, particularly when they would have the great advantage of attacking them separately, and in the case of Tom unexpectedly. Indeed, the very fact of the severe struggle that took place after Tom had been attacked, and in all probability considerably injured by a blow on the head with the shovel, is strong presumptive evidence that the number of his assailants was not more than two. I : _ We have now gone over the circumstances and surmises connected with this mysterious murder. Rumours have on various occasions since then been heard at intervals of persons here and there confessing that they assisted in the perpetration of the crime. At one time a story gained some credence of an Irishman having confessed in his native ~ country that he was one of the murderers, but on being investigated it proved to be a baseless story. ‘On another occasion there was a rumour to the effect that one of the Red Bredburys had made a dying confession in Australia, but so far as we,can learn neither Jamie nor his son ever went to Australia. The eldest daughter emigrated to that country some time after her marriage, and it is stated that


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she, as well as her brother Joe and her father, is now dead. Without putting too much faith in the machinery engaged at the present day in the detection of crime and the appre- hension of its perpetrators, we can scarcely avoid coming to the conclusion that the old parish constables were not extremely likely to achieve many great exploits in following out a delicate trail; that the coroner engaged in conducting the inquest was apparently content with a somewhat super- ficial process, in conformity with the mere routine perform- ance of his duty; and that the magistrates of Saddleworth did not exert themselves very. actively in order to detect the criminals, Nearly forty years have passed away since the atrocious murder was committed. If the actors in it, [rish- men or not, were even young men from twenty to thirty years old, they must now, if living, be from sixty to seventy years of age. The mystery will, therefore, in all probability, never be made plain until the Day of Judgment. The bodies of the murdered men were interred in the south-east corner of the lower graveyard at the Parish Church, where their grave is still an attraction for hundreds who visit the old church in the summer. The epitaph upon the stone was written by the late Mr. Platt, of Prospecton, and reads as follows :— Here lie interred the dreadfully bruised and lacerated bodies of William Bradbury and Thomas his son, who were together savagely murdered in an inhumanly horrid manner, on Monday night, April 2nd, 1832; William being 84, and Thomas 46 years of age. Throughout the land, wherever news is read, Intelligence of their sad death has spread ; Those now who talk of far-famed Greenfield hills, Will think of Bill o’ Jack’s and Tom o’ Bill’s.

Such interest did their tragic end excite, That, ere they were removed from human sight, Thousands on thousands daily came to see The bloody scene of the catastrophe. One house, one business, and one bed, And one most shocking death they had ; One funeral: came, one inquest past, And now one grave they have at last.

Bill’s o' Jack’s had been noted for its scenery long before the occurrence of the horrid deed which has since rendered

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the place so famous. The heath-clad mountains, the stupen- dous precipices, the murmuring stream, and the sheltered wood, all tend to render Greenfield at this part a picturesque and pleasing retreat ; and whether we visit it for a botanic ramble, or in search of pleasure, we shall find Nature in this valley will supply all our need. Descending from the house to the wood by a rugged path, we shall find many a lovely scene; the rippling brook sparkling in the mid-day sun, and its surface occasionally broken by the ouzel or the kingfisher, the verdant canopy rustling in the breeze, the hum of birds and insects, and the fragrant perfume of the wild flowers and ferns, are delights which the lovers of nature and solitude will find in abundance here. In many a quiet glade and mossy dell the weary may find rest, and the loving swain such seclusion as is fit for love, for hither Lovers do In sweet retirement court the shade. . On my returning from the wood on the occasion of my first visit, I found the scene much different from that just described, for during my absence some of “ Owd Kedlock’s” merry companions had joined him, and they were freely enjoying themselves in their own way, and on my entering the room I heard my acquaintance of the day ‘whispering ‘¢'Tat’s him, chaps;” whereupon a half dozen hands, each holding a pint pot containing more or less of the national beverage, were protruded towards me with an intimation that I might “Sup, un welcome,” which I declined. Then “‘Owd Kedlock” wanted to know if I would “yer a sung; for thar’s Owd Windy Bags thear ull brust afore lung if he connot let eawt what he’s getten to spare.” ‘Willing to prevent such an unpleasant catastrophe I agreed to hear him, so he at once “struck up” the old local song—


Sed Jone to his woif one wot summer’s day, ?Aw’m resolv’t i Grenfilt no lunger to stay, Boh aw'll go to Owdham as fast as aw con, So fare-thi-weel Grenfilt, un fare-thi-weel Nan; For a sowjer aw’ll be, Un brave Owdham aw’ll see, Un aw’ll have a battle French!

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‘Dear Jone,” said eawr Nan, un hoo bitterly croid, ‘“¢ Will’t be one o’th foot, or theaw meeans for t’ roid ?”’ “‘Zeawnds, wench! aw’ll roid oather an ass or a mule, Afore aw’ll keawr i Grenfilt as black as the Dule, For clemmin un starvin, Un never a farthin, Bi gow’ it ud mak a man mad.” -

Then says mi noant Margit, Jone! theaw’rt so wot, Aw’d neer go to Owdham, but i Englon aw’d stop.” ‘Tt matters neawt, Margit, aw varri weel know Aw’st neer clem tut deeath boh sumdy shall know; T’ first Frenchman aw foind Aw’ll tell him mi moind, Un if he wint feyt ler him run.”

As aw went deawn th’ broo, for we livent at th’ top, Aw swore aw’d reych Owdham afore aw would stop 5 But egad heaw they starent when aw geet to th’ Mumps, Wi mi hat i mi hont un mi clogs full o’ stumps, But aw varri soon towd em Ut aw’re beawn to Owd’em, Un aw’d ha a battle wi t’ French.

Then eendway throo t’lone into Owdham aw went,

Aw axed a recruit if he’d made up his keawnt; ‘‘ Neaw, neaw, honest lad, for theaw looks loik a king, Come wi me, un thee aw will bring Weer if theaw be willin, Theduw may ha a shillin.” Egad aw thowt that wer rare news.

So he took me to th’ pleck weer they meshurn ther heyt, Un if they bin th’ heyt they sen neawt abeawt th weyt; So aw ratched mi un stretch’d mi, un never did flinch, ‘‘Begou,”’ says the mon, “theaw’rt mi height to an inch.”’ Thinks aw that'll do, Aw’st ha guineas enoo, Egad, Owdham, brave Owdham for me.

Fare-thi-weel Grenfilt, a sowjer aw’m made, Aw getten new shdon un a rare cockade ; Aw’ll feyt for owd Englon as lung as aw con, Oather French, Dutch, or Spanish, to me its o one, Un aw'll mak em to stare Loik a new started hare, Un aw’ll tell em fro Owdham aw come.

After Windy Bags had sat down, Owd Kedlock cleared his

throat, saying, “ Neaw for mom, lads ; th’owd tune—‘ Hearts

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of Oak,’” and then he sang one of Bottomley’s almost for- gotten songs :—

Come cheer up my lads, would you banish your care, _With us to the regions of Greenfield repair ; Like the Briton’s of old, there unbounded we live, And enjoy all the pleasures our freedom can give.


Then to Greenfield away, hear the music resound! From the rocks to the skies Hark what echoes arise, Where wine, love, and beauty are smiling around.

Though London her Ranelagh or Vauxhall may boast, Yet, compared with our Greenfield, their pleasures are lost ; Not the high gilded dome half the pleasures impart, For the scene that surrounds us surpasses all art. Then to Greenfield away, &c.

Here, by Handel inspired, thro’ the sweet greenwood shade We the haunts of the sylphs and the fairies invade ; See! astonished from grotto. to grotto they flee, And wonder that mortals so jovial can be. . Then to Greenfield away, &c. -

Far retired from the court to these wild sylvan groves, Here attendant are come all the graces and loves; Every nymph seems divine, while the fresh healthy gale Still discloses new charms which she strives to conceal. Then to Greenfield away, &c.

Here the wretch who to censure devotes all his hours, Or whom prejudice blinds, or anxiety sours ; In these social retreats he a cordial may find, Which infuses good nature through body and mind. Then to Greenfield away, &c.

After hearing one or two other songs of a local character, I left Owd Kedlock and his companions, with a promise to the former that I would some day “ co’ und see him, und look o’er his owd pappers.”’ Leaving Bill’s o’ Jack’s, we may follow the turnpike road for several miles, over a wild expanse of table land, unre- lieved by any sign of human habitation or of cultivation. - Nothing but heather and black peat moss can be seen until we begin to descend towards the valley of the Holme, when we first arrive at the solitary dwelling known as Wessenden

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Head, or “‘ Isle of Sky,”* above which, on the left hand, West Knab rises abruptly, surmounted by a large pile of rocks, hollowed out in the same way as Pots and Pans rock, and very much resembling a cromlech. It has been said that Druidical remains exist on this hill, but these are the only rocks I can find there of a Druidical character, and I judge to be such, although not so named in the ordnance survey. Near Isle of Sky are the remains of an old hut once inhabited by a “ hermit,” a Scotchman, probably one of the unfortunate heroes whose love for the Chevalier brought him from his native wilds, and whose misfortunes left him home- less and friendless on these barren moors. In one of the adjoining vales, too, Near Greenfield’s utmost bounds, ‘A circling rock a crystal fount surrounds,

Where beauteous Rimmon, oft concealed, did lave Her flowing tresses in the silver wave.

But who was the “ beauteous Rimmon?” may perhaps be the reader’s question, and we will briefly tell the tale. In those days, when giants dwelt in the land, making their homes and caves in forests deep, none were braver in the land of Albion than the inseparable friends Alder and Alphin—“ men of deathless fame”—one of whom, it is said, threw a rock weighing several tons from Greenfield to Ashton-under-Lyne, and which rock has not long been removed. Alder fixed his dwelling on the hill which still bears his name, and his friend Alphin on the opposite one. How long their friendship lasted we cannot say, but at last, alas! love, cruel love, made them mortal foes. Far up the valley dwelt fair Rimmon, beloved by the giants and the

* Wessenden Head is the proper designation of the place, “ Isle of Sky” being cemparatively recent. The house was originally built for a shooting box, before the formation of the turnpike road from Holmfirth to Greenfield, the road to Meltham, which joins it near Wessenden Head, being constructed some time afterwards. The house then became an inn, the intention being, probably, to make it into a place for changing the horses in the oldcoaching days. The name ** Wessenden Head” was a sad puzzle to the scattered inhabitants of the district, and, on hearing of it, an old weaver exclaimed, “Wezzundin Yed? Wezzundin Yed? That’s nooan Wezzundin Yed; it’s all a skaw,” alluding, of course, to the fact that scarcely anything but the sky was to be seen there. The name took, and has been perpetuated as “Isle of Sky,” so that at the present day people would be nearly as much puzzled in directing a stranger to Wessenden Head as, before the days of the old weaver, they would have been if asked to point out the road to Isle of Sky.

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lover of Alphin, whose wife she eventually became, which so enraged Alder that high words ensued, and then a challenge to war. ach giant retired to his hill, and, seizing the rocks that lay around, hurled them across the valley at each other, and with such tremendous force did they grasp the rocks that upon them were left the impression of the giants’ hands. Often in childhood did I wonder when I beheld those noted finger-marks, which more mature age can account for in other ways; yet the dreams of early years are pleasant. As some one has written :— These old romantic legends of the past, The youth of many future age will hear;

For memory holds our childhood’s treasures fast, And that the earliest learnt is oft forgot the last.

In the struggle beween the two giants Alphin was slain, and then fair Rimmon retired to her vale, and, casting herself headlong from a rock, thus ended her life, and her body wgs conveyed by fountain nymphs and laid in the same grave as Alphin, at the foot of his hill. Between Rimmon Pit and Bill’s o’ Jack’s the tourist will see the lofty precipice known as Ravenstone, on the edge of which was formerly poised an immense rocking stone, but unfortunately it was barbarously destroyed by the miners engaged in excavating the Standedge canal tunnel. One of them, it is said, was killed by a fragment of the rook. On these rocks, too,.as Bottomley and Butterworth inform us, it was customary at the commencement of the present century for eagles to build their nests, and an anecdote is told of a man who was suspended by a rope from the top of the precipice whilst he destroyed the nests and young. Returning down the road until we arrive opposite Bill's o’ Jack’s, we may then take a footpath on our right, which leads to the top of Alderman, from whence we have an extensive view over many miles of surrounding scenery. Having arrived on the summit of Alderman, a long, narrow fissure, which gives entrance to the Fairy Holes, will at once attract attention. Although I have made the attempt to penetrate into these recesses—these homes of the fee de montagne-—I have always been reluctantly compelled to abandon the project as too dangerous an enterprise on

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d account of the falling in of the earth from the roof and the noxious gases which have accumulated some little way down the caverns. Consequently, as I cannot guide the reader myself into these regions of fairy sprites, I must leave him in the hands of those who have been more fortunate than myself. A Mr. Robinson, who descended the caves some Sixty years ago, says :— I The entrance is about fifty yards from the summit of the rock on the top of the hill, rather north, descending a few yards. We lighted our candles, it being quite calm: the entrance for about six or seven yards is rather straight, with a vaulted roof, and is called Piccadilly, until it gives a turn or winding assuming the name of Doby Street, when it descends almost perpendicularly for a considerable length. ‘When we arrived at the bottom we came to a broad passage called Cupid’s Alley; it has two passages, following one of which we came to a corner that is rather dangerous. Here are projecting rocks about twelve feet high, and rather difficult of ascent. Arriving at the top, we found the road very good for a considerable way; then descending, and turning back to the right, under a large heap of rocks, to the same place where we ascended the rocks at the corner, the passage became rather straight for some yards, and then opened toa deep, dreary chasm called the Devil’s Cellar. The rocks on both sides are almost perpendicular, and nearly parallel to each other. We proceeded down the cavern until we came to the bottom, and finding the rocks lay upon the shoal, which was a plain indication that we were at the bottom of the subterranean vault, we returned back and measured the road, and, taking the angles, the result was, from the bottom to the top 45 yards (?), and about 30 yards perpendicular from the surface of the earth.

According to later accounts, Mr. Robinson did not thoroughly explore the cavern, of which the following are the dimensions :—Piccadilly, 7 yards; Queen Mab’s Bed- chamber, 3 yards; Doby Street, 6 yards; Cupid’s Alley, 6 yards; Nicholson’s Gallery, 84 yards; Fox’s Kennel, 4 yards ; George Street to Falstaff’s Corner, 94 yards ; Halliwell Street, 94 yards; Broadbent’s Passage, 10 yards ; Devil’s Cellar, or Confusion Street, 8 yards; Knox’s Retreat, 2 yards; Coney Street, 9 yards; St. John’s Street, 6 yards; Beelzebub’s Pantry, 34 yards—making the total length to be 92 yards. : There are several other caverns, or “ fairy holes,” as they are generally called in the neighbourhood, one of which is of large dimensions, and said to be capable of containing a

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vast number of people at one time; the interior is very lofty, and appears to have been so formed by art—probably the Druids, who would require some retreat in inclement weather, or when the country was infested with wild beasts. There is a tradition extant which says that, once upon a time, whilst the Saddleworth hounds were in full chase after a fox, the fox being hard pressed found shelter in one of these caverns, but was soon followed by one of the dogs; and, for aught that we know, they are keeping up the chase now, as neither fox nor dog have ever returned. Some of the caverns descend perpendicularly, but no one has yet had the hardihood to explore them. On a stone being thrown down one of these openings, it is heard for some seconds rebounding from side to side of the cavern, and generally ends in a splash into the water which evidently fills up the bottom. There are people who assert confidently that the fairy holes extend so far downwards that: people at the bottom can hear the water of Greenfield Brook rolling over their heads: we.should like to see those who have heard it. Passing over the hill towards Pots and Pans—a large rock conspicuous for miles—we see below us the picturesque hamlets of Tunstead and Boarshurst, at the former of which is an old barn bearing the initials “L.W. 1633”—a date older than any other I have seen on any building in Saddle- worth. All along the edge of the hill we have extensive views of the lovely valleys below, and of the far-distant\ towns of Lancashire. I To the right of Pots and Pans rock will be seen a group of rocks, some erect, and others lying upon the ground in a confused heap. ‘These, with others, at one time formed a Drnuidical temple, the first religious edifice erected in Saddle- worth, but which, during the construction of the canal, in 1797, and the railway, in 1847, was destroyed for the sake of the stone, and even Pots and Pans itself, the altar of the Druids, had a very narrow escape, and would have un- doubtedly perished, had it not been for the activity of some praiseworthy individuals, who were determined, if possible, - to save the relic of our fathers from total destruction. By their means and through their representations the authorities were persuaded to let Pots and Pans remain; and we hope

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that in fature times no ruthless hands may be allowed to destroy that time-honoured memorial where our Celtic an- cestors worshipped, and which succeeding generations have revered. Pots and Pans consists of two rocks placed in juxtaposition, and is of an obtuse, oblong, and irregular form, and having upon its surface, and in fissures at its sides, several basins (whence the name) hollowed out, the largest of which, near the centre of the rock, is capable of holding about ten gallons of water. How these hollows were formed antiquarians cannot decide, but the Saddleworth ople have a tradition to the effect that “ they were made y the rain when the world was drowned.” It is very probable that they were occasioned, in part, by the washing away of the softer portions of the rock, and then deepened by artificial means.* The two rocks composing Pots and Pans are conjointly about seventy-three feet in circum- ference, twelve feet high, the same in breadth, and about twenty-six feet long from corner to corner. The diameter of the central basin is fifty-six inches by forty-five, and its depth eleven inches. A long uneven hole (which some have designated ‘“‘ Robin Hood’s Bed’’) also held sacred water, in which the bodies of the sick were laid that they might be cured of their ailments, and even now the water from the central basin of Pots and Pans is said to cure sore eyes—a

' *The theory which professes to account for the basins in these rocks by Noah’s flood must of course be rejected unhesitatingly ; and that which ascribes them wholly or partly to the workmanship of man, although plausible at the first glance, and an easy mode of getting over the difficulty at a time when the forces acting on the crust of the earth were little understood, is scarcely in accordance with the present state of chemical and geological science. These rocks are millstone grit, in which nothing is.more common than deposits of “ mare,” or nodules composed principally of peroxide of iron, which, by the disentegrating action of the sun, the air, and the rain, crumble so as to leave hollows where they have been embedded. They exist in every stage of decomposition, and are of all sizes in this formation. When a basin of this kind has been formed on the upper part of an exposed rock so as to be capable of holding water, the sandstone, studded as it is with quartz pebbles adhering to the particles surrounding them, or what we may call the cement is gradually loosened; so that the basin that can hold water is more easily acted upon than any other part of the rock, and has therefore a tendency to become deeper and deeper. Even at the foot of such rocks, the observer will frequently see a considerable portion of sand intermixed with quartz pebbles, representing the wasting or disentegration of the millstone grit by the natural forces referred to. Then, again, there are no traces of tool marks in these basins, and, if they had been partially deepened by such means, no subsequent wearing away of the stone could have obliterated them. The action of the wind, the rain, and the sun may be said to be represented by a constant quantity, meastred in depth, from the chiselled surface, and would leave the teol marks almost as distinct as if they had been made yesterday.

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piece of superstition handed down to us through near two thousand years. Not far from Pots and Pans are the Stapeley Stones, at which the Druids are supposed to have bought such trifling articles as they required, the dealers of them not being allowed to approach the sacred ground. Speaking of another stone, Butterworth says— A little west of this (Pots and Pans) is another stone about twenty feet in height, but much narrower at the top (than bottom?) from whence proceed irregular flutings down one side of about two feet in length, by some supposed to be the effect of time, and by others the workmanship of art. This stone he supposes to have been “the rock idol worshipped by the Druids,” and imagines the hill of Alderman to have extended hereto, and to have derived its name from the “idol,” for he says :— The word Alderman I suppose not to be its original name, but to have afterwards been given to it by the Saxons, signifying, in their e, the old man, from a rock idol once here by the ancient Britons. . There are many statements in Butterworth’s History with which I cannot agree, and his derivation of Alderman is one. I can see no connection between the Saxon name, as he supposes it is, and the use to which these rocks were doubtlessly applied. I should rather derive the name from -Alder-maen, which may be translated either “the altar or “the high stones,” man or maen being the ancient British for stones, and al or alp high, hence Alder- man. Alphin, in like manner, from the ancient British, sionifieth “ the high hill.” Descending the hill from Pots and Pans to the ancient hamlet of Cross, a romantic and picturesque old lane will conduct the visitor down to Uppermill, from whence he may easily reach either the Saddleworth or Greenfield Station, and will, doubtless, return home well satisfied with a trip that has cost but little, and given great satisfaction.

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Saddleworth Church.

Church of Saint Chad, of Saddleworth, has undergone many changes and alterations since its Ai}| first erection by the Stapleton family in the twelfth or thirteenth century: they then being lords of the manor or forest of Sadelword. In this Sketch it is our purpose to give such information as we can collect respecting the history of this Church, which is so well known to the surrounding locality, and is dear not alone to Saddleworth, but to many in Oldham and elsewhere, whose ancestors sprung from the mountain soil. The first religious edifice in Saddleworth of which we have any certain knowledge was that now ruined circle of rough unhewn stones near Pots and Pans; the temple of a dark and mysterious creed. Then followed the pagan idolatry of ancient Rome, with its mythological gods and heroes; to be in turn succeeded by the worship of Oden and Thor, the latter of whom is sup- posed to have had an altar erected to him at Thurstones (or Thor’s-stones), and possibly also at Thurston Clough. These days of ignorance and barbarism passed away, and eventually Christianity was introduced; the ancient temples were destroyed, and our mountainecrs began to worship the one true living God. Then up rose our Saddleworth Church. The earliest account we possess of the foundation of a church in Saddleworth is contained in a few deeds copied into the

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Coucher Book of Whalley Abbey (Lancashire), but unfortu- nately they are all without date, and this has caused much dispute amongst local antiquaries, some saying it was erected in the twelfth, others in the thirteenth, and again others in the fourteenth century. A deed “dated at the Rupe (Roche Abbey, in Yorkshire), on Sunday, in the Feast of the Conversion of St. Paul, in the year of His grace 1314,” I think will tend to settle the question, thus :—William de Stapelton is known to have built our church, and the deed just named contains this clause :—

‘Know you me (Warinus de Scargil), for the salvation of my soul, and all my ancestors and heirs, to have granted and confirmed to God and the blessed Virgin Mary, and the Abbot and convent of Rupe, and their successors, all the gifts and grants that Robert, son of William de Stapleton, my great grandfather, whose heir I am, made to them, &c.

This Robert, having “ confirmed” a grant of tithes made by William, proves that the church must have been built some years before the dawn of the fourteenth century. From the fact that the Abbey of Stanlaw, in Cheshire, was removed to Whalley Abbey in A.D. 1296, it is conjectured that Saddleworth Church was erected subsequently to that date ; but, though the deeds (except one made by Hugh de Stapelton, and Hugh, Karl of Chester) were signed at Whalley, it does by no means prove that the church was not commenced, even if not completed, at a much earlier date. Although Hugo de Stapelton gained permission to erect this chapel, it was not he, but his successor, William, — who built it, as is proved by the Whalley Coucher Book. Deed xiv. is “ The grant by William de Stapelton of a tithe of his lands in the forest of Saddleworth,” and says :—

To all to whom these presents in writing shall come: Wm. de Stapleton saluteth in the Lord. I, William, faithfully grant to your community (Whalley Abbey) that which I have sworn in the mother church of St. , by the touch of the relics of the Holy Saint of the said church in the presence of faithful parishioners, as well as a clerk and laymen, by which I, the said William, and my tenants sincerely establish, and give annual tithes of all my lands in Saddleworth, with the appur- tenances of the forest to our mother church of St. Chad ; and the said church shall never lose by me, nor by my heirs, her tithes of the said lands. Nevertheless, if any stranger shall come in my lands, and he

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consider it just and he shall five a tithe; or else, provided that - he shall presume to deny it, I, William, with the help of the mother church, will compel him to pay the same. And I, and my heirs, will perform this covenant by deed in perpetuity with our mother church of St. Chad, and for such as they be made such as is written by Geoffery, dean of Whalley, and vicar of St. Chad, in Rochdale, by permission of Lord Robert de Lacy, advocate of the mother church, and with a view of affection he allows me to employ and to give Divine praise publicly and continually, according to custom, in my chapel building in Saddleworth, and on the condition which the mother church shall fix. These are witnesses :—Henry de Elland, Robert de Liversedge, William de Deusbury, John, brother of the dean ; Henry, clerk of Rochdale; Hugh de Stapleton, Nathan, clerk; Matthew de Glohut, Henry de Werld, Peter, the clerk; Martin and Thomas, clerks; Henry Brown, and many others of the parishioners of the mother church.

The above-named Geoffery is supposed by Dr. Whittaker to havd been Dean of Whalley about A.D. 1296, i.e., the end of the 13th century. But note the next deed (xv.) by which the tithes are not confirmed to Whalley but to Stanlaw Abbey (which, according to Dr. Whittaker, had then been removed to Whalley) :— I

Confirmation of the grant by Robert de Stapleton, of his tithes and oblations in the chapelry of Sadelword. ‘To all her sons who shall see or hear the holy mother church, writes these presents. ‘Robert de Stapleton saluteth in the Lord. I bequeath to the community, by permission of Divine affection, the confirmation of my grant for the safety of the souls-of myself, my ancestors, and successors. To and the blessed Mary, and holy mother church of St. Chad, of Rochdale, and to the rectors of the said church, that is to say, to the Lord Abbot and convent of the blessed place of Stanlaw, and to her administrators, all those tithes, lots, and oblations, of the whole of my land in the forest of Saddleworth, with all the appurtenances and of the whole of the deeds appertaining unto my manor of Saddleworth, just as if by right the grant belonged to the church originally, and of all my vassals within the limits of the forest, who, on account of their sins, give a tithe of all they possess; to have and to hold in perpetuity, freely, quietly, peaceably, and entirely, according to the custom of the mother church, without hindrance from me or my heirs. Further- more, I have granted and confirmed it generally, seeing that Lord William de Stapelton, my father, grants of the forest of Sadelword £x, and more in years past to the mother church of Rochdale, just as if of right they belonged to it, I freely grant and confirm by this deed ; and I, the aforenamed, Robert, and my heirs, do confirm all these before written to the mother church and her rectors, faith- fully to hold without detriment at my hand in perpetuity ; and I affix my seal to the present déed in the porch of the convent as it now

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stands. These are witnesses: — Adam de Stanfield, for the time Archdeacon of Chester; Master Henry Lee, his officer; William de Wigan, clerk; William, vicar of Rochdale; Robert, a person (P parson), of Prestwyche; Roger, a person, of Bury; Geoffery de Buckley, Richard de Butterworth, William de Howard, H , his son ; Roger de Berdeshull, William de Berdeshull, Michel de Clegg, and others.

This is followed by another grant (xvi.), also made to Stanlaw :— I

The grant by Robert de Stapleton of thirteen acres of land for the minister serving in the chapel of Sadelword. To all who shall see or hear these presents now written; this deed showeth a provision between the Lord Abbot and Convent of the blessed place of Stanlaw on the one part, and Lord Robert de Stapleton on the other; that is to say, whereas Robert by deed gives, grants, and confirms thirteen acres of arable land with one toft to build a competent manse in the place, with sufficient land in the manor of Saddleworth to sustain some minister, and shall be sufficient to maintain and pasture ten cows with their young to three years old; eight oxen, and sixty sheep with lambs to one year old; and for ten sows with liberty to teed, and for two “ averia’’ with pasturage on the common for the same in the manor of Saddleworth within these limits; that is to say, from Cnout- hull (Knott-hill) by the way from Cnouthull as far as Stanegge, and from Stanegge as far as Stabliclogh in Dighull, and from Stabliclogh in Dighull as far as the Brodeston, and from the Brodestone as far as the Whitebrok in Haukeferd, and from the Whitebrok in Haukeferd as far as Combesbrok, and from Combesbrok as far as the water of. the Tame, and from the said water as far as the division of Qwyke (Quick), and from Qwyke as far as the division of Cnouthull; and housebote and haybote, with a stable and yard, to have and to hold in sincere and perpetual elemosyne, which I grant for the welfare of the souls of my wife, my ancestors, and successors. And the Abbey and Convent agree to find the rest of the necessaries for the “minister who serves there if he be assiduous; and all faithful observers shall perpetually have a grant from the Abbot and Convent on the one part, and the forenamed Robert and his heirs on the other, both affixing their seals hereunto. These are witnesses :— Walter, archdeacon of Chester; William, vicar of Rochdale; Simon de Stanley ; Richard Blundell; Gilbert de Qwyke; Richard le Brun de Stanley ; Richard, his son; Godfrey de Biron; and others.

It will be noticed that in the foregoing deed no mention whatever is made of Friars’ mere, and the boundaries named do not include any portion of that division of modern Saddleworth. Deed the xvii. is—

An agreement between ourselves and the parishioners of the chapelry of Saddleworth. To all who shall see or hear, let it be

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_ known, these deeds of the agreement between the Lord Abbot and Convent of the blessed place of Stanlaw on the one: part, and Robert de la Schagh (Shaw), Robert de Qwyke, Richard de Holyngreve, and his son Richard, and the rest of the parishioners of Saddleworth.on the other, for the perpetual support of the chapel ; that which in ‘time past by original deed between the Abbot and Convent and Lord bert de Stapleton not being made sufficiently clear. Also, a part of the chapel being finished, we agree to find vestments for the priests, and the necessary books for the church. We find, by permission, the part left out in the deed given. by Lord Robert de Stapleton, seei they have a large church with a nave, chancel and tower, with a p of bells (campanus cum campanario), enclosed by a cemetery becoming the rest; and when it is necessary to repair or renew it the Abbot and Convent grant by this deed to the minister the necessary vest- ments and books as oft as they shall repair the chapel. To preserve all and each of these we faithfully promise, and for greater security the Abbot and Convent grant it for themselves and their successors, and the said Robert de la Schagh, Richard de Holyngreve, Richard © his son, Robert de Qwyke, and their heirs; and the rest of the - parishioners, their seals being being affixed hereunto. These are witnesses :— William le Vavasur, John de Biron, Roger de Middleton, William de Hopwood, William de Howard, Adam D’Eccles, William de Salisbury, and others.

The old parish church of St. Chad, of Saddleworth, having been demolished in 1830, we are compelled to form our ideas of its architectural appearance from those who can remember it, and from what Butterworth and others have written about it. In the first instance, this “large church” could not have been of very extensive dimensions, but continuous additions being made as the population increased, rendered it eventually a commodious church, though by no means an ornamental one. From engravings which exist, the old church appears to have been built at three or four different periods: First, the eastern end, in the early part of the thirteenth century, or perhaps after the demolition of the original Stapleton Church, as we cannot distinguish the style from the engravings. To this was added the chancel, and finally an upper gallery, locally called “the cock-loft,” was raised close to the roof on the southern side. The southern gallery is supposed to have been erected in the 17th century, and in 1711 the western gallery was built by a Mr. Kenworthy, at his own expense. The oldest parts of the church were the eastern end, with its Edwardian window, the pillars, arches, and the porch of the same period. There

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were also two windows of the time of Edward III., which were destroyed in pulling down the old building. The remains of a very handsome old rood screen, also of the time of Edward IIT., were likewise found at the same time.

Here are none of the enshrined saints and martyrs (says Butter- worth), or the splendidly decorated tombs that adorn some of the ancient churches. Here are none of the glowing tints of Titian, the lively figures of Raphael, or the soft sweetness of Dominichino. Here are no “long drawn aisles,” “no storied urn,’ “no animated bust ;”’ yet there is the humble simplicity of a pure and unadulterated taste mingled with all the gloomy solemnity which so well befits the temple of the living God.

In the year 1535, one Sir William Taylor was curate of Saddleworth, and was assessed six shillings to a subsidy, and Sir Ellis Ashworth of the same, four shillings and five- pence for the same purpose. In the following year (1536), when Henry VIII. dissclved the larger monasteries, the chapel of Saddleworth, from having long been dependent on Whalley, was annexed to Rochdale—it being the nearest parish and possession of Whalley adjoining the forest of Saddleworth—and the appointment of the minister was vested in the vicar for the time being. On the 28rd of December, A.D. 1592, John Wild, minister of the gospel of Jesus Christ, at Saddleworth, being sick, made his last. will and testament, and, after desiring that his body might be buried in the chancel of his church, goes on to say :—

Whereas, I have taken,of the worshipful Sir John Byron, over and besides a lease taken by Edward Heyward and Robert Farrand, of lands, now in my tenure, a lease of lands and the reversion for twenty-one years afterwards, and acknowledging mine own manifold defects and wants in the performance of my duty in word and doctrine to the people, and in token of my true repentance for the same, and for my unfeigned love for the people and zeal for better promoting God’s glory, I give the benefit of all the said leases to a godly preacher, to be provided and nominated to succeed me in my room, by Mr. Midgley (vicar of Rochdale) and Mr. Hunt (minister of Oldham), while they live, and after their death by the discretion of the best disposed in religion in the parish of Saddleworth, provided always that six sufficient men of the people of Saddleworth, or the godly preaching minister so succeeding me, shall (within one week after my decease) deliver into the hands of my two brethren, in the parish of Oldham, to pay unto Ottiwell Wild, my younger brother, £20 for the use of John Wild, his son, to spend in books and learning both in the country and at one of the universities of Cambridge or Oxford. And I will that if six


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sufficient men, or the preaching minister succeeding me, shall not enter into a bond to pay the same, then my said younger brother shall enter upon and enjoy my said farms until the expiration of the two leases, and the reversion which I have freely given for the maintenance of a godly preacher at Saddleworth. And, whereas, I do hold my aforesaid farm under my right worshipful good master, Sir John Byron, a special favourer of religion, I humbly beseech his good worship to be an effectual means to the accomplishment of this my good meaning for the better preferment of God’s glory at Saddleworth, and not only during this term specified, but always after so long as his worship or his heirs shall have the lease of the tithes now in his occupation. I give to the poor of Saddleworth one oxe stirke, which I will to be sold, and the money given as aforesaid; and to Mr. William Ramsden, £x; to Mr. John Ramsden, four hoops of corn; to James Scholfield, 3s. 4d.; and to his son Robert, all my books, save one bible, which I give to Edward Marsland; to Giles Shaw, one Edward shilling ; to my brother, Ottiwell Wild, of Cowlyshaw, a pair of bedstocks: and I appoint him my executor.

There are numerous other small legacies of effects, consisting chiefly of corn, hay, cattle, books (value 16s.), and wearing apparel. The will was proved at Chester, on the 17th January, 1593. In 1622 a clerk was admitted to be curate of the church, and an order was made by him and the inhabitants that for every grave made in the chapel five shillings were to be paid to the wardens. This order was confirmed in 1672. In 1662, Ralph Wood, at that time minister in Saddleworth, resigned his living rather than take the oath of conformity. From 1698 to the demolition of the old church, the incumbency was held by Edward Lees (a man highly esteemed), John Heginbotom, M.A., Richard Podmore, LU.B., Edward Taylor, and Charles Zouch, the latter of whom delegated his duties to his curates, he himself having become of unsound mind. On the 16th February, 1710, the Archbishop of Canterbury and William, Lord Byron, entered into an agreement by which Lord Byron bound himself to pay an annual sum to the curate of Saddleworth, and to repair the chancel of the chapel during twenty-one years, under certain provisos. In the year 1714 the inhabitants of Saddleworth contended that the nomina- tion of the incumbent was vested in themselves, but failed to satisfy the proper authorities that such was the case. During the civil wars, whilst the endowment was unimport- ant, and the vicarage of Rochdale held by a Presbyterian,

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the inhabitants seem to have been permitted to elect the minister, and subsequently to have founded their claim on the permission. In a long address to Bishop Gastrell, from the churchwardens and others, they state that they are ‘“‘above eight score of the inhabitants who approach his lordship,” and that—

Upon the death of our late minister, Mr. Lees, which happened before Christmas last was twelvemonths, the people proceeded to make choice of another to succeed him, as time out of mind they have been used in like case to do, and humbly recommending him to your lordship’s predecessor for his licence, but there met with opposition from the vicar of Rochdale claiming a right of nomination of a curate to Saddleworth as being within his parish of Rochdale—a thing utterly new and unknown to the most antient of the inhabitants of Saddle- worth, and which we cannot acknowledge. We then replied that in all our antient writings since Queen Elizabeth’s reign, if not before, it has been, as it now is, called the parish of Saddleworth, and that if ever it was a chapel it was so originally to some monastery, and not to Rochdale, and that the parish of Saddleworth in circumference is sixteen or twenty miles, had within itself all parochial rights, privileges, and liberties entire, and never owed or paid anything to the church of Rochdale (as is common not only for chapels of ease but parochial to do to their mother church) in the way of fees, rights, contributions, or dues, upon any account. * * * * This matter has long been under consideration of His Grace of Canterbury, the owner of the tithes of Saddleworth, which are charged £vij. a year to the minister here; but has been left by him undetermined, and we without a minister save the said vicar’s nominee, whom His Grace of York thought fit should officiate among us until it should be decided whether to licence and establish him as the said vicar’s nominee or not. We assure your lordship that all we aim at is what in our conscience we believe we have, viz.,an independency of Rochdale ; and by our own choice we mean no more than to have such an orthodox good man for our minister as might be approved by a majority of us, on whose cheerful contributions to him his comfortable subsistence must depend, the £vij. above mentioned, and nearly as much in a glebe belonging to the church, being but a small thing to live on. We submit the whole to your lordship’s wisdom and justice, humbly begging your consideration of the matter, and a reply directed for us to Huthersfield* (sic) by the Yorkshire post, by the way of Wakefield. We remain, your dutiful sons and servants,—Thomas Lees, John Andrew, James Broadbent, Giles Shaw, churchwardens.

In 1717 Saddleworth Church was certified £16 10s., viz., glebe about seven acres and a-half, consisting of two

* This spelling represents the common pronunciation of “ Huddersfield,” still used within s circle of eight or ten miles radius from the town.

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gardens, two meadows, five fields for ploughing or pasture, worth £7 per annum ; paid out of the tithes, £7; surplice fees, £2 10s. The minister has a house of three bayes, and two bayes of outhousing, viz., two barns, a stable, and shippon. Thetower of the church was erected in 1746, and a peal of six bells placed in it in 1781. The bells are thus inscribed :—treble, “‘ Fear God and honour the king ;” 2nd, “Peace and good neighbourhood;” 8rd, “ Prosperity to this parish ;” 4th, “Thomas Rudhall, Gloster Foundry, 1781 ;” 5th, has no inscription ; tenor, I

I to the church the living call, And to the grave do summon all.

All the bells except the fifth bear the date, and that one is by scroll work. Is it probable that the fifth bell is one of an older peal that was not re-cast with the others? The weight of the tenor bell is eleven hundredweight. In 1788 an organ was purchased by public subscription, and placed in one of the galleries. In 1813 Dr. Sutton, Arch- bishop of Canterbury, sold the tithes to the freeholders. In 1821 the old font, evidently dating back to the earliest: erection of the church in Norman times, was discovered in pulling down the round steps which led to the Kenworthy gallery. It was carelessly broken to pieces by the work- men. It was an exact counterpart of the one now preserved in Mottram Church. The great increase of population having rendered it necessary to provide better accommoda- tion for the many worshippers at Saddleworth, it was decided to take down the old church and rebuild it on a larger scale. The work of destruction commenced in 1830, and that and the two following years were occupied by the erection of the present commodious structure. Speaking of our church, Butterworth says—

The children of Israel have not a more ardent desire to be buried in the valley of Jehoshaphat than the natives of this district have for their dust to mingle with that earth which long acquaintance has rendered familiar to them, and which time has rendered sacred. There are indeed few churches to be found more enthusiastically venerated by their respective attendants than Saddleworth; for, in the revolution of many centuries, the only church frequented by their ancestors, themselves educated in the tenets of pure and apostolic

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religion, and with each returning Sabbath visiting the ground where the peaceful ashes of their forefathers repose, need we wonder that the parish church, the only ancient public establishment in the district, should be regarded with feelings approaching almost to superstitious reverence? Such sentiments are laudable, such feelings.are honour- able. May they never be repressed ! We have now completed the history of that old Church where generations of our fathers were baptised, married, and buried. We have traced its history from its first struggling into existence as the “church now building in Saddelword” until it had become “a large church ;” and, finally, after arriving at a good old age, we have seen it wither and decay, and be amongst the things that were. Now we must turn to its successor. The new church, erected in 1830-1-2-8 (during which time service was performed in a large room at Woolroad), is a large and plain building, having six windows, lancet-headed, on edch side, between which buttresses extend up to the parapet. At the erection of this church the old steeple of 1746 was allowed to remain ; but as it did not synchronize with the rest of the building, and perhaps for some other reasons, it was determined to remove it. Consequently, a subscription was commenced, and in 1846 the present handsome tower, with the clock and original bells, took the place of the old one. The enlargement of the church extended six feet in every direction, thus cutting through many graves, and, in some cases—as at the east end, where a large depth of soil had to be removed to form the chancel—removing whole bodies from their graves one after another. These remains of mortality (as I am informed) were placed together in a heap until the foundations were completed, and then altogether buried in one deep hole, without “ one frail memorial” erected to mark where their disturbed ashes repose. A neat and spacious gallery surrounds the interior of the church (chancel . excepted), and contains the organ previously mentioned, but which has lost that sweetness of tone it once possessed. Let us hope that now, whilst the spirit for ornamenting the church is making such great improvement in it, some means may be found of getting anew organ fit for the place. The roof is supported by tall arches and pillars, but they are not sufficiently massive to correspond with the size and character

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of the building. Of late years the gentry of the neighbour- hood have been very active in filling the windows with painted glass, the first one having been presented by Miss Whitehead, of Dobcross, and now only one remains to be filled. If the visitor wishes to see the interior of the church he may readily obtain the key from the sexton, Mr. B. B. Bradshaw, who resides in the immediate locality. Passing the old disused stocks at the church gate, we enter the edifice by the southern door, and thence commence our examination of the building. The first window on our right hand has been lately placed there in memory of “ Joseph Robson Nelson, of Oldham, and Sarah Radcliffe, his wife, by their adopted daughter, Sarah Radcliffe, 1870.” This window, like all the side windows, is of three lights or com- partments: the first light is a representation of our Saviour _ In conversation with Mary Magdalene ; second, Christ and the Woman of Samaria; and third, The Widow's Mite. This is one of the handsomest windows in the church, and does great credit to its designer. The second window was there placed in memory of “ James Radcliffe, of Boarshurst ; and Mary Whitehead, his wife; and of John Radcliffe, their son, by the children of the last named.” The central com- partment contains the figure of Jesus giving the command to Peter “‘ Feed my Sheep,” and the two side lights represent my Lambs.” In the centre light of the lower tier are the arms of Radcliffe—arg. two bendlets engrailed sa. ; a label of three points gu. Between this window and the next is a mural tablet erected to the memory of “ Miss Lees, daughter of James Lees, Esq., J.P., of Delph Lodge.” The tablet is surmounted by a kneeling figure reclining against an urn, at the foot of which is an unrolled scroll of music. The third window, to the memory of “ John Radcliffe, of Stonebreaks, and Mary Andrew, of Foulrakes, his wife, and their daughters and only son,” was given by their only surviving daughters and the representatives of Elizabeth Shaw, of St. Chad’s. The window contains figures of Christ, Saint Luke, and Saint John; and the upper corners bear the arms of Shaw, Radcliffe, Andrew, Elliott, &c. In a “double pew,’ on the opposite side of the aisle from this window, is an old brass shield, bearing in

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chief a skull between an hour glass and a candlestick, with the last whiff of smoke just issuing forth. The inscription, as follows, is almost illegible :— . In Deanshaw I did live and die, John Gartside was my name, In youthful years } was sharp ; Atropos did cut my thread in twain. I willingly gave up the ghost, in hopes to live again. Flere et meminisse reliquet Ultima die Februarii anno Salutis 17222. suze 23.

Ye youths who are sharp, “weep and remember.” There is a mural tablet in memory of Mr. Abel Hyde Shaw, and close to it a memorial window to Giles Shaw, of St. Chad’s, and Elizabeth Radcliffe, of Stonebreaks, his wife, and their daughters, erected by their surviving children, 1863. The principal compartments contain Christ blessing little child- ren, and the marriage at Canaan. The lower tier contains the birth of Christ, His presentation in the temple, and His discussion with the doctors. The arms of Shaw, &c., also appear on the window. In the vestry is a portion of the tomb and a marble slab in memory of the Whitehead family, of Dobcross. Miss Whitehead (since become Mrs. Smith Taylor-Whitehead) erected the first of the stained windows in this church, “ In memory of her father, the late Mr. Whitehead, solicitor of Oldham, and of her brother, Henry Whitehead, Esq., barrister-at-law; and also her mother, sisters, and brothers.” This window is very large —between 300 and 400 feet of superficial space—and is divided perpendicularly into five lights of three storeys. The lowest storey is filled with very rich glass, and is a representation of “ ‘The Last Supper,” from Leonardo da Vinci’s picture, with our Lord in the centre, and the disciples grouped around. The architecture of the room is thrown back in the shade, and the pictures are enclosed in ornate tabernacle work, with canopies, pillars, and festoons of conventional foliage of the richest description, in gold and silver. The second storey contains the cruci- fixion in the centre light, the Virgin on the right side of the cross, St. John on the left, and Mary Magdalene clinging to the foot of the cross. In one of the side lights

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is the good centurion discovering his mistake, and saying, “ Truly this man is the Son of God,” and upon the opposite side are the Roman soldiers with the spear and sponge, and the scoffing and reviling Jews. The two most outward lights represent the raising of the widow’s son, and Christ blessing little children. The third storey has the ascension in the centre light, whilst in the compartment above is the descent of the Holy Ghost, and in the apex of the window the red cross. In the small compartments in the tracery part of the window are infants with crystal crosses sur- rounded by crowns of thorns, and angels in various supplicatory attitudes. Considered as a work of art, this window may be regarded second to none manufactured in modern times. Beneath the window is a handsome reredos, which, together with the altar railings and chains, were the gift of Mrs. Smith Taylor-Whitehead, in memory of an uncle and aunt with whom she had resided since childhood. The pulpit was presented by John Hirst, Esq., of Grove House, Delph, and the prayer desk by the Shaws of St. Chad’s. They are all of old oak. The reredos is orna- mented by full-length portraits of the four evangelists, and in the centre bears the monogram, “I. H.§.” The lectern, in the form of an eagle, was presented by John Platt, Esq., M.P. for Oldham. Reclining against the wall between the altar and the vestry is a rudely-carved monument preserved from the ruins of the old church. It is in memory of John Whitehead of Lydgate, who died in 1777. He was the father of fourteen children, grandfather of fifty-one, and great grandfather of eight. Crossing over to the other side of the church, the first window noticed is in memory of the late Edmund Buckley, Esq., M.P., who for a great number of years represented Newcastle-under-Lyne in parliament. He presented the font and cover which now stands in the baptistry. This memorial window represents Christ bearing His cross, the remaining spaces being filled with scrollwork and texts. In the centre light of the lowest tier are the arms of Buckley—sa, a chevron arg, between three bulls’ heads of the second. Adjoining hereto is a tablet in memory of William Whitehead. The next window was. erected by the widow of the late James Wrigley, Esq., of

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Scouthead, to his memory. The subjects are, Moses and. Aaron at the sides, and the transfiguration of our Lord in the centre. The centre light in the lowest storey contains an emblem of the unity of the Trinity in one Godhead, with a Latin quotation from the Athanasian creed—“ Pater est Deus, Filius est Deus, Spiritus est Deus.” On one side are the cross-keys of St. Peter, and on the other a chalice. Then comes a blank window, and that at the end has recently been put up at the expense of Mary and Ann Harrop, of Dobcross, in memory of their uncle and aunt, Joseph and Sarah Harrop, of Tamewater. The subject, which was chosen by the Rev. Richard Whitelock, is the ‘“ Nativity,” and the execution of the work has been greatly admired. The next mural tablet is the most important in the church. It is surmounted by the arms and cap of a soldier, whilst his cloak forms a mantle to the sides of the slab, which is of pure white marble. The man to whom it is erected enlisted three times, was “bought off” twice, and finally achieved many gallant deeds. The following inscription is on the monument :— In Memory of JoHN WINTERBOTTOM, Paymaster of the 62nd Light Infantry, who died of fever at the

headquarters of the regiment, in the Island of Barbadoes, on the 26th November,

1838. Born at Saddleworth 17th Nov., 1781. Private Soldier 17th Oct., 1799. Corporal... April, 1801. Sergeant ....... Poe Dec., 1803. Sergeant-Major 11th June, 1805. Ensign and Adjutant ..........6. 24th Nov., 1808. Lieutenant and Adjutant ........ 28th Feb., 1810. Paymaster 3lst May, 1821.

He served with distinction at the following battles and sieges:—As a private, at Ferrol; as sergeant-major, at Copenhagen and Vimerio; as adjutant, at Corunna, Coa, Busacco, Pombal, Redinha, Ciudad Rodrigo, Badajos, Salamanca, San Muroz, Vitoria, the Heights of Vera, the Nivelle, the Nive, Othez, Tarbes, Toulouse, and Waterloo, as well as in other actions of less note in which the 52nd was engaged during the war, and he was never absent from his regiment except in consequence of wounds received at Redinha, Badajos, and WATERLOO.

One hundred and thirty officers who had served with him in the

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fifty-second, and other military friends and admirers of his extraordi- talents as an officer, and his acknowledged worth as a man, have directed this monument to be raised to his memory. The remaining window on this side is as yet unfilled with stained glass, but it is now in progress of construction, and will shortly be placed in its appointed position. Near this window is a mural tablet in memory of “ Emma, wife of F. F. Whitehead, of Beech Hill.” Passing through the door into the northern porch, a small door on the left leads to a winding stair, by means of which the visitor may gain access to the bells and the roof of the tower, from which some splendid views may be obtained. Re-entering the church, a board may be seen on the right containing the particulars of the enlargement of the building, and from this it appears that 587 additional seats were gained, of which 413 were to be.“ free and unappropriated for ever.” The seats in the church are now all free. In the baptistry is a small, two- light window, painted in gorgeous colours, and representing the baptism of Christ by Saint John, and the ceremony as performed by the Anglican Church. This window, which was presented by Lieutenant-Colonel Bradbury, of Hud- dersfield, bears no inscription. With one exception, all the windows, as well as the reredos, pulpit, lectern, &c., have been manufactured by Mr. Shaw, of St. Chad’s. Over the entrance to the baptistry is a list of subscribers to the new tower, but it is of little interest. Leaving the church, and passing by the steeple to the northern wall of the graveyard, near a tree, we find the following epitaph :— If thou hast genius, reader, stay ; If Nature touch thee, drop a tear ;

If neither move thee, turn away, For Pinchou’s honest dust lies here.

In the corner above is a stone in memory of the Fitton family, the inscription on which commences thus :— Stop here your foot,.and eye, As you are now, so once was I;

As I am now, so you must be— Prepare yourself to follow me.

Near the centre of the yard is a very old stone, broken into numerous fragments, and nearly buried with moss and

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lichens, which render what remains of the inscription almost wholly illegible. It appears to mark the last resting place of the Shaws, one of whom, it informs us, “ DYDD” in January, 1712. The letters are all capitals, and from its appearance I think it one of the oldest memorials in the churchyard, though there are many very old ones; but the disgraceful condition of the ground prevents many inscrip- tions from being deciphered, as some of the stones are almost grown over with the long grass, and rank weeds which are allowed to accumulate in the place. Near the east end of the church is the grave of Ralph Hawkyard, the founder of “The Wharmton Grammar School.” He bequeathed the endowment for the purpose of providing for ‘‘'The maintenance of a discreet and learned schoolmaster, able to teach the three tongues, viz., English, Latin, and Greek.” The late William Whitehead, Esq., of Dobcross, left the sum of £500 to endow five free scholarships. Since its foundation the school has passed through many difficul- ties, but is now progressing favourably. The Hawkyard tombstone reads :— : H. 8. I. Ralph, son of Thomas Hawkyard, of Tamewater, Chapman, who for the propagation of useful learning, and the reformation of manners in this parish, left £200 absolute, and £110 more if his brother should die a minor, and his sister childless. Obiit Junii 19th, An. Dom. 1729. Jiitatis 39. Be all his gifts improved ; Fresh be his name, While schools can last Or goodness merit fame.

His brother died in 1776, at Bridgehouse, aged 57 years. The following appropriate epitaph, supposed to have been written by the poet Bottomley, is placed over the grave of an old sexton :-—

Forty-eight years, strange to tell, He bore the bier and tolled the bell, And faithfully discharged his trust In “earth to earth,” and “dust to dust ;” Let none lament, though life be spent, The grave is still his element ; His old friend, Death, knew ’twas his sphere, So kindly laid the sexton here.

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The above stone lies near the south-west corner, and by its side is one to the memory of John Holden, of Clough- bottom, with the following lines inscribed thereon :— For three-score years a counter singer, And longer still a first-rate ringer, ‘Was he whose name is put before— Whose skill in time and tune is o’er. While some with changes are affrighted, He with changes was delighted ; Of changes yet he must have one, And then with changes he’ll have done. Another “ first-rate ringer” lies in a tomb eastward of Holden’s grave, viz., James Platt, who, the stone informs us, was “an eminent campanologist, respected by all who knew him.” At the foot of the tombstone are two bas-reliefs —on the one corner a bell and wheel, with the rope broken, below which lies an open music book, on which are neatly written the tunes “ Oxford” and ‘New London.” Onthe - opposite corner the relief represents a broken fife, Platt having been one of the originators of the Saddleworth old reed band. Beneath the footpath, crossing to the east of Platt’s grave, lies Nathan Holden, under a stone with these words :— Farewell, vain world, I’ve known enough of thee, And careless am of what thou say’st of me; Thy smiles I court not, nor thy frowns I fear, My cares are past, my head lies quiet here. What faults you’ve known in me take care to shun, . And look at home, enough there’s to be done. Crossing over the road to the “ New Yard,” consecrated in 1842, we enter by the gate close to the hearse house. Unlike the old yard, the new one is planted with trees, which in summer time have a pleasing effect. The only tree of any considerable size in the old yard for many years was an aged elm, which was blown down in a gale in February, 1854. Some portions of it were manufactured into desks, tea-caddies, &c., but the principal portion was too much decayed. There are not any peculiarly striking epitaphs in the new yard, but we may select one or two others for notice. In the middle of the western side is a handsome Gothic marble monument marking the vault of Giles Shaw, of Uppermill, “13th in descent from Richard

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Shaw, of Shaw Hall, temp. Edward and of “ John Radcliffe, of Stonebreaks, Esq., captain, W.A.V., descended from the ancient family of Radcliffe Tower, through the knightly branch of Ordshall,” who was also interred there. In close proximity to this stands another, but far different monument, the work of an artizan in his leisure hours. Though it leads not our thoughts to deeds of daring performed by patriots at ‘‘ Caen, Cressie, and Calais’— deeds bravely done and well requitted—it shows us the paternal affection that raised such a monument to his departed child. The monument consists of a stone pedestal, surmounted by a sculpture representing a child in the attitude of prayer. In the lowest corner of this yard lie the mangled bodies of Bill o’ Jack's and his son, whose epitaph has been already given. The grave is a great attraction to visitors, and it is a pity they cannot keep their feet off the inscription; but some people seem to have the gift of reading with their toes. Near the centre of the yard is the grave of James Wood, who, “although not a ringer himself, took an interest in prize ringing, having attended thirty different churches, twelve of them in Yorkshire, ten in Lancashire, four in Cheshire, and four in Derbyshire.” The last inscription I shall give—totally different from the others in character—is on a tomb near the hearse house, as follows :— God taketh away, and who can hinder Him? It becometh us silently to adore His infinite majesty, and to submit to His wise rovidences. He taketh but His own. Our borrowed comforts should cheerfully restored. Our dearest relations are more His than ours. Let us, therefore, not murmur when He taketh them away. The new yard having for some time been much over- crowded, it was found necessary to obtain an additional graveyard, and for this purpose a plot of ground situate at the corner of the road to Uppermill was obtained, and con- secrated by Dr. Lee, in 1859. The Gothic entrance is the gift of Lieutenant-Colonel Bradbury. The principal epitaph in this “‘ cemetery” is the old, worn-out verse, which is only now making its appearance in Saddleworth, com- mencing— Affliction sore long time she bore, _ Physicians were in vain.

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Anyway, itis “a bore” to read it and its numerous variations on about every second or third gravestone you take note of. In the centre of the ground is an elaborate monument erected by John Hirst, jun., 8f Dobcross. The base of the monument is divided into a number of panels, in which are carved in relief various processes in the woollen manufacture —sheep at pasture and being shorn, shipping the wool, dyeing, scribbling, carding, weaving, &c. Two of Mr. Hirst’s brothers have erected two very handsome and tasteful monumental crosses in this ground, and there are several smaller monuments very neat in design. In 1861 the population of the district attached to this church was 2,970.


i I

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Churches and Chapels.

fm\N sketching the smaller Churches of Saddleworth, the first on our list is that of Lydgate, dedicated 4} to Saint Ann, and having a district population of 6,124 at the census of 1861. The building is of the usual 18th century style of country church, plain in every respect, with round-headed windows, and the roof surmounted by a cupola containing a bell. At the eastern end of the church is a handsome clock, which has been placed there within the last few years. The church was erected in 1787, and consecrated by Dr. Cleaver, then Bishop of Chester; the present incumbent is the Rev. H. O. Garnett. In the burial ground, which is only small, and contains but few graves, there are one or two epitaphs which may be noticed. On the grave of Ann Wrigley, of New Houses, we read :— Short was my stay, but longer is my rest, God called me hence because He thought it best;

Therefore, dear friends, lament for me no more— I am not lost, but gone a while before.

On the stone in memory of the wife of Watts Robinson :—

Go home, dear husband, weep no more for me, And trust in God, who will thy comfort be; Instruct thy children well, and serve the Lord— A place with me will be thy great reward.

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Watts Robinson went home, and took unto himself another wife to “ comfort”? him. John Dransfield’s epitaph reads— Mourn not for me, my life is past, Whose love continued to the last;

But kindness show, and pity take On my six children for my sake.

By the side of the grave of the Rev. George Cowell, thirty-two years minister of this church, is that of his son :— George, son of George and Elizabeth Cowell, who at Morecambe Bay, on August 30th, 1855, after rescuing his younger brother from the water, again entered the sea and perished in a noble but unavail-

ing effort to save one of his schoolfellows. He was interred at Heversham Church, aged 18 years.

There are no monuments in the interior of the church. About 1790 the minister of Lydgate received an order to enlist as many soldiers as possible in his district, and the rey. gentleman went from house to house, telling the young men that the surest way to salvation was to fight and die in defence of their country; and as a proof of his sincerity he threw aside his gown for a coat of scarlet, buckled on a sword, bid farewell to the care and cure of souls, and on his passage to join the Duke of York in Holland he fell overboard and was drowned. Near to Greenfield station is Christ Church, Friezland, - erected in 1849, by the Messrs. Whitehead Brothers, of Royal George Mills. The church is built in the early decorative styie of architecture, and consists of a nave, aisle, chancel, and southern transept—the aisle and transept being later additions to the original structure. At the’ western end is an “ivy-mantled”’ tower surmounted by a spire, and containing an excellent peal of bells. The organ gallery is in the southern transept, and is reached by a flight of steps outside the church. Another gallery extends across the western end of the church. The eastern window is of three lights, filled with stained glass, as is also the tracery portion above them. In the vestry a large slab records the history of the church. On March 3rd, _ 1860, the foundation stone of the aisle was laid in com- memoration of Miss M. A. Whitehead, sister of the founders.

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CHURCHES AND CHAPELS. ) 65 The cost of the church, vicarage, and schools, including the endowments, was £16,000 or £17,000, the whole of which was defrayed by the Whitehead family, and we understand that the late R. R. Whitehead, Esq., of Amberley Court (the head of the firm at Royal George), had it in contem- plation before his death to provide an addition to the endowment, which would have cost from £3,000 to £4,000, but it is to be feared that he was taken away before he could carry out his intention. The late J. H. Whitehead, Esq., left the parish of Roughtown, in Saddleworth, which has been created a vicarage, schools worth £1,500, and also £1,000 towards building a church there; and his sister, Mrs. 8. M. Lawton, of Brighton, has recently completed the parsonage there. Near the south-east corner of Christ Church is a monument in memory of a man named Jeffrey, his wife, and eight children, who were unfortunately killed at midnight of the 10th May, 1864, by the fall upon their house of a tall chimney belonging to the Royal George Mills. Qnly one member of the family escaped—a little girl about five years of age, who has been since taken under the protection of the Messrs. Whitehead; and in addition to those mentioned on the monument, a little boy named Carter was killed by the same catastrophe, his remains being interred in a grave a few yards distant. On June Ath, 1870, was uncovered a red granite obelisk erected in memory of James Heywood Whitehead, Esq., whose death had resulted from injuries received whilst exercising on a velocipede in the Lake district. The following inscription is on the plinth :— In memory of James Heywood Whitehead, one of the founders of this church, born Sept. 10th, 1810; died June 30th, 1869, “Trusting in Jesus.” This monument is erected by the persons employed at the works of

R. R. Whitehead & Brothers, in which he was a partner, in grateful remembrance of a just and kindhearted master.

The cost of the monument was about a hundred pounds. The first incumbent of this church was the Rev. Thomas Green, who held the office for some years, but eventually resigned it in order to accept the presidency of the Church Missionary College in London. He was succeeded by the


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Rev. Geo. Venables, who retained the incumbency until the early part of 1870, when he in turn resigned, and now the original incumbent, Mr. Green, has returned to his parish, -which contained a population of 2,106 in 1861. The patronage of the living belongs to the Brothers Whitehead, whose zeal in promoting the welfare of Saddleworth has gained them a lasting name. Not only have Christ Church, with the parsonage, schools, and master’s house been built at their sole expense, but they have assisted largely in the erection of schools at Nook Steer, Baguely, and Quick; and their aid has also been liberally given to other institutions in Saddleworth and the neighbouring parishes. Midway between Denshaw and Junction is situated the new Christ Church, erected by Henry Gartside, Esq., of Wharmton Tower, who has also provided an endowment and erected a parsonage house. The land on which the church stands was the gift of Messrs. Butterworth Brothers, of Junction. The foundation stone of the church was laid on the 17th July, 1862, and the building consecrated on Thursday, Sept. 24th, 1863, by the Bishop of Manchester, the service being conducted by the Rev. F. Richardson, then incumbent, to whom has succeeded the Rev. G. W. Petherick. The church is an unpretending structure, in the style of the 13th century, arranged with special reference to the requirements of the English Church. Externally the principal features are a massive square tower and a well developed chancel ; while, internally, the baptistry, nave, and chancel are each distinctly marked. It is built of Pierpoint stone walling, with polished ashlar dressings. Internally, the piers, responds, &c., are of Yorkshire polished stone. The roof is open-timbered, with arched principals springing from polished shafted stone corbels ; the timbers stained and varnished, and the iron work coloured in ultramarine. The east gables of the nave and chancel, and the gables of the transepts, are finished with ornamental iron crosses. The whole length is 88ft. Gin., width 46ft. 4in.; height to wall plate of clerestory 22ft. 6in., to ridge of the nave 41ft. The chancel is 18in. lower than the nave. Open benches of a substantial character are provided for over 400 worshippers. The pulpit, which is of Caen stone,

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is placed on the north, and the reading desk, facing north- west, on the south. The chancel window is of five lights, and was designed by Mrs. Gartside. Above the larger lights are a number of quatrefoils and a large wheel-light in the head. The middlemost of the five lights represents the crucifixion, with Mary Magdalene clinging to the foot of the cross. Over the right side of the cross is the centu- rion, and on the left the beloved disciple. In the outer lights are the four evangelists, and'in the centre sexfoil of the wheel is the ascension. This magnificent window was executed at the manufactory of Mr. Alexander Gibbs, of London. The tower is 238ft. 8in. square, 75ft. high, with an octagonal turret staircase on the south side. There is a small stained glass window in the church, presented by the: Messrs. Butterworth. The parsonage is a neat, commodious house, but unfortunately damp, in consequence of the porous character of the stone used. Near the centre of the village of Dobcross stands the church of the Holy Trinity, erected in 1786, at a cost of £1,619, which was subscribed by the principal inhabitants. This sum does not include the value of the land, which was also given. A tower was added to the original structure in 1843, at a cost of £250, and which has the following inscription in front :— Heec turris piorum munificentia in gloriam Dei extructa est. THOMAS STURGES MILLS, Incumbent.


The Latin inscription translated reads thus :— To the glory of God this tower was erected by the munificence of the pious. The interior of the church is neatly pewed, and is sur- rounded on three sides by a gallery in which is placed an excellent and powerful organ. The graveyard is overshadowed by trees, and contains several tombs and other memorials of the defunct reposers underneath. One stone worthy of remark is inscribed in Latin to the memory of the Rev. James Buckley, who “was twenty-eight years minister of this church.” Close to this grave is that of James Neild, who died 14th October, 1835, aged 80 years. ‘“ He was first


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clerk of this chapel, and faithfully performed the duties of that office for upwards of forty-eight years.” Whoever thou. art that approacheth this grave, Thy serious attention I earnestly crave ; I once was as healthy and vigorous as thou, As oft at the chapel—but where am I now? From human sight hid in the dust am I laid, A doom which thou can’st not thyself long evade ; Then use well thy time while thou keep’st above ground, For here no repentance nor pardon is found. In front of the tower is a small obelisk of stone in memory of an infant, the child of David and Matty Whiteley, of Dobcross. On the grave of George Hardy, who died at sea, aged twenty years, is :— Go to thy grave! At noon from labour cease, Rest in thy sheaves, thy harvest work is done ; Go from the toil of battle, and in peace, Soldier, go home! With thee the fight is won ! The Rev. W. Simpson is the present incumbent of the church, in connection with which is a day and Sunday school, held in a neat building erected for them by the late Mr. and Miss Whitehead, of Dobcross. Hey Chapel, with a district population of 2,479, in 1861, dedicated to St. John the Baptist, was erected in 1742, and consecrated June 26th, 1744; but it has subsequently undergone many alterations and enlargements. Of late years a great desire for the ornamental has crept into Hey, and of course the chapel was the fittest building to com- mence operations upon, so a large Gothic eastern window and a southern door of the same character were the first steps taken, but they either spoil the rest of the building or it spoils them. All that is wanting to complete the incongruity is a tower—let us say in the Italian style, and with a dome roof. Of the interior I speak with all praise, for it is neat, attractive, and yet solemn. The painted walls, and the iUluminated texts which ornament them, would do credit to a much more important place than Hey. The annual value of the living is about £131, and it is m the patronage of the rector of Ashton. It was at Hey that the once celebrated Mrs. Bates first displayed her vocal powers, her brother being organist. Miss Seville, another

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celebrated singer, lies interred at Lydgate. The first minister of Hey Chapel was the Rev. Richard Hopwood, of Oldham, to whom succeeded the Rev. John Beckett, who was born at Wray, a village near Lancaster, on Holy Thurs- day, 1742. In 1761 he was elected master of the Free Grammar School of his native village, and in 1764 ordained deacon by Bishop Keene. He was curate of Saddleworth Parish Church about two years, and incumbent minister of Lees, or Hey Chapel, nearly 45 years. He died universally regretted, October 24th, 1810, aged 68 years. The next incumbent was the Rev. William Winter, who also held the incumbency of St. Peter’s, Oldham. ‘The Rev. G. D. Grundy is the present incumbent. On the top of a hill, and at the distance of about a mile north-west of Delph, in a very bleak situation, stands the small chapel of St. Thomas, which was built in 1758, and consecrated by Bishop Keene in the same year. A slight attempt has been made at ornamenting the interior, but the primitive habits of the people in this district cannot be overcome by what they consider the innovations of a more modern but not more enlightened age. There is one monumental tablet in the church in memory of Mary Lees, of Thurston Clough, who for 25 years was in service with a family named Radcliffe, at Rugby, Warwickshire, and who have here placed this monument to her memory. This church was probably erected in consequence of the great distance of the parochial chapel, which is more than four miles from’ this part of Saddleworth. Inside the church (of which the Rev. F. Kempson is incumbent), and near one of the doors, lies the body of William Heginbottom, “The English Patriarch.” In the graveyard are many interesting memorials—one connected with the forenamed Mr. Heginbottom being the stone covering many members of his family, one of whom was clerk here for 38 years. The present clerk is also one of Mr. Heginbottom’s descendants. At the west end of the church the following epitaph may be seen :— Say, sprightly youth, dost thou on life presume? Observe the date, and tremble at this tomb ;

To health, nor strength, nor youthful vigour trust, Behold, here hath Death laid them in the dust.

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Another stone has the following bas-reliefs :—Between the Square and compasses on one side, and another Masonic emblem on the other, is a shield bearing a cross, with the letters “I. N. R. J.” above it, and below it the motto, “In hoc signo vinces,” which may be freely translated, “ By this sign I conquer.” In the place of a crest is an open hand with a heart in the palm of it. There is a very neat medizeval monument in memory of John Broadbent, wool- stapler, of Dobcross and Huddersfield; near to which is a stone cross commemorative of the Rev. William Grant, first incumbent of Norden. Thomas Shaw, “ Apiarian,”’ as he styled himself, lies buried in this yard. His poems were published in 1824, and he died at Uxhey, in 1828, aged 72 years, leaving his unsold poems to his brother. This brother died on his way to the workhouse, and the parish became possessed of “ Recent Poems on Rural and other Miscellaneous Subjects,” which was the title of Shaw’s book. Several copies are still in existence, at Saddleworth Work- house. A small upright stone in memory of Esther White- head has “ W. W. D.” engraved on the upper edge, and at the back an ornamental shield bearing two bendlets sinister. There are several other monuments of interest in this yard, and half-a-day could be easily and pleasantly spent in looking them over. I now turn to the Nonconforming sects, but there is little of general interest in connection with their chapels, as they contain but few monuments, and still fewer of those remark- able epitaphs which are found on graves of an earlier period. - The original Methodist Chapel at Delph was situated in the Millgate, and passed through many vicissitudes. In front the building was three storeys high, the ground floor being occupied by a dwelling house, and the second and third forming the chapel and gallery. The back of the building was only one storey high, a doorway leading from Knott Hill Lane at the back direct into the gallery. In later times the body of the chapel was converted into a warehouse, and, the space between the galleries being boarded over, the upper- most storey at last became a meeting room for the New Connexion Methodists. The old building has, however, been destroyed, and now the Co-operative Hall occupies the site.

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The Wesleyan Chapel near the bridge is a commodious building, surrounded by a burial ground. Inside the chapel is a mural tablet to the memory of Mr. Greenwood, one of the principal supporters of this chapel. In close proximity hereto is the Free Church, a small building erected in 1869. There is a small Wesleyan Chapel in Greenfield, erected in 1845, and now (1870) having an addition made to it. The Methodist Chapel at Uppermill is a neat, plain edifice, surmounted by a cupola, and having a clock which strikes the hours. The building is surrounded by a well kept cemetery, and was erected in 1811. Of the Congregational Chapels .in Saddleworth, the one at Delph is by far the most important. It was originally erected in 1746, but has since then been twice rebuilt. The present structure is a neat Gothic building, erected by the late Miss Buckley, of Holly Ville, Greenfield, and capable of holding 400 worshippers. It was opened for service on the 13th May, 1866. The first monument we notice in the interior is a marble slab removed from the old chapel, where it had long commemorated the ministrations' of the Rev. Noah Blackburn, who, after being pastor of this place for thirty years, died May 4th, 1821, x seventy :— Within this sacred house he spent his breath, Now silent, senseless, here he les in death ;

Those lips shall wake again, and then declare A dread amen to truths delivered here.

1 have often heard it said that the following quotation was a favourite expression which he frequently made use of :— From organs and bells, High roads and canals, Good Lord deliver us!

Had he lived in our days he would have required another line or two anent railways and the telegraph. Another tablet is in memory of the wife and children of Noah Blackburn. A very handsome monument, surmounted by a bust, said to be an excellent likeness, is erected to the memory of John Gartside, a native of Park, Marsden, and for upwards of fifty years a member of this church. At the foot of the tablet are his arms in relief, namely, Arms—

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arg. on a bend gu. three mullets of the field. Crest—A greyhound passant arg. Motto— Vincit qui patitur’ (he who is patient conquers). On a brass plate, also removed from the old chapel, is the following inscription almost illegible: —‘‘ Near this place was interred the body of the Rev. Thos. Gurnill, once an eminent pastor of this church, who departed this life March 6th, 1769, x, 8. 34.

Reader, who to this plate directs thine eyes, Under thy feet my mouldering carcase lies; And must remain till that tremendous day When God the judge shall melt the heavens away. Then at His word my dust shall rise again, And with my Saviour Christ for ever reign ; My fettered tongue begin anew to move, And chant that noble song, eternal love, I Where shall I see thee there, with fools or wise ? In everlasting chains, or paradise P Wouldst thou among the goats or sheep appear? O think, pray think, how shall I see thee there!

Neither the Independent Church nor graveyard at Upper- mill contains any interesting memorial.

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Manners and Customs.

HE keeping of May Day, one of the great festivals SE dah] of Druidism, is still one of the common customs of FW) agricultural districts, and it is probable that, when ~ in the hey-day of glory, it was also observed in our secluded dales; but we possess no account of it, no remnant of a Maypole, no village green so necessary for the dances and games, no, not even a tradition that such things existed. But, although Saddleworth has not its Maypole and May Day games, it has other popular customs, which it is our intention to describe, commencing with the New Year’s Day festival. Amongst some classes of the people the last night of the old year is a period of riotous festivity and good wishes, whilst others make it a season for fasting, watching, and prayer; but, wide as the difference is between these two classes, they both show a stubborn determination not to “ go home till morning,” in order that, according to the common phrase, they may “see the old year out and the new one in.” When Phcebus has cast his brilliant rays over Saddleworth, and announced the commencement of a new year, then lively groups of factory and other children begin to collect together, and proceed from house to house where they are likely to receive their New Year's gift, “letting the new year in” with an old wassail song, after which they expect either money, or something to eat and drink. This custom, however, is fast becoming obsolete.

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Should the stranger who first enters a house on this day be one of light complexion he is considered a forerunner of sorrow and death, whilst a dark man brings the opposite—a fair proportion of Fortune’s good things. Gn this day gifts are freely distributed on all sides, and friends meet friends at the festal board. These new year’s feasts are of very ancient origin, having been common among the Anglo- Saxons, when the head of a family assembled his household around a large bowl of spiced drink, somewhat similar to our mulled ale. From this bowl he drank, saying wes-hel, signifying “to your health,’ after which the bowl was circulated freely, every one drinking to his neighbour’s health. The poorer classes carried a bowl from house to house, and solicited alms wherewith to procure the drink. According to some authorities, the wassail bowl was divided by pegs to mark out each person’s portion, and from which is supposed to have been derived that ancient tavern sign of “The Pig and Whistle,” more properly “ Peg and Wassail.” “‘ Collop Monday,” or the day following Shrove Sunday, is not generally regarded as a festival at the present day, though there still remain a few people who follow up the old custom of visiting various houses in their locality for the collops, or rashers of bacon generally bestowed upon them, and which, with eggs for supper, constitute the principal part of the festivities formerly observed, more than now, on Collop Monday. The friendly custom of pancake eating on Shrove Tuesday is, I think, almost universal in this country, and the tossing of the cake and the comicalities so often introduced are so general as to require no description; but the pancakes themselves were first ‘“ food for the gods,” and offered as such to Thor and Woden by our brave, but heathen, Saxon ancestors. Easter Monday, if we except the wakes, is perhaps the principal and more stirring festival of the year, more especially amongst that class of children and budding man- hood on whom Fortune has not cast her smiles, and who depend for pocket money on the kindness and good will of those who enjoy a better position. The stranger visiting these mountains would be surprised with the varied costumes

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of the different children he would meet with, nor would he think that some poor factory lad was passing him when he met that conglomeration of rags and ribbons supposed to represent the indomitable “Slasher.” “Saint George of Merry England,” bold “ Hector,” and the “ Black Prince,” in company with “ the King of Egypt’s only son and heir,” pass before him, as well doctor of great experience, - carrying, in his fathomless pockets, “crutches for lame ducks and spectacles for blind beetles,” besides other curiosities of a like character. But the poor little nigger- looking animal with the doctor, what shall we say of him? —only that he represents His Most Satanic Majesty, the king of the subterrestrial kingdoms. All these miscellaneous heroes, derived from history both ancient and modern, sacred and profane, peraumbulate the district, where they are known as “pace” or ‘ peace-eggers,’ collecting eggs or money, and acting a little drama in which the principal characters take part, the finale being the entrance of the little nigger boy reciting the words :— Here come I Be-celzebub, And over my shoulder I carry my club ;

Money I want, money I crave, If you don’t give me money I'll sweep you all to the grave.

This custom I suppose to be in a great measure connected with the ancient May Day games, or else the old Roman Catholic religious dramas which were formerly enacted in England, and are yet very common on the Continent ; but how the different characters got introduced I cannot say. Whit-Friday is held as the anniversary of the Sunday schools in this neighbourhood. Early in the morning, crowds of children may be seen, dressed in their new clothes, and wending their way to their respective schools, where they all assemble, and then, led by bands of music, walk in procession with flags and banners to attend service at the place of worship to which the school is attached. After service, the procession is reformed, and passes through the neighbouring villages to the school, where refreshments are provided, at some places consisting of a good substantial dinner of roast beef and plum pudding, and at others of currant bread and milk or tea. The afternoon and evening

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are spent in various innocent recreations, in which the scholars and teachers unite to render Whit-Friday all that the children can desire. The wakes, or rushbearing, is a festival held by every one, commencing on the second Saturday after the 12th of August in each year, and it is a period of feasting and general enjoyment. The feast commences at Saddleworth Church on the Saturday, and is continued throughout Sun- day. On Monday it is held at Dobcross, on Tuesday at Uppermill, and on Wednesday at Bill’s 0’ Jack’s. The “ upper end,” or, Delph Wakes, is held on the Saturday, Sunday, and Monday following. The most attractive sights at the wakes, when properly conducted, are the rushcarts, of which the number varies in different years; but they always attract large crowds of people to the spot where they meet—formerly at the church doors—where the carts were shot up, and the rushes spread on the floor for warmth to the feet in winter, but now they are generally sold to the publicans, &c., as bedding for the horses. The origin of rushcarts is undecided, but some antiquaries suppose them to be relics of Druidism, and when we consider their nature, and the boughs of oak and ash (trees sacred to the Druids) with which the carts are decorated, it seems as if connected with some Druidical rite. On the other hand, it has been stated that these festivals were instituted by Pope Gregory IV., who recommended that, on the anniversary of the dedication of the Christian churches wrested from the pagans the converts should build themselves huts with the boughs of trees about their churches, and celebrate the solemnities with religious feasts. The rushcarts are built in the same form from age to age, highly ornamented in front, and surmounted by boughs of oak and mountain ash. In former years, before the builders and followers of rushcarts had become a drunken and unruly mob, the gentry of the district would frequently lend them their silver plate (and sometimes they had the church plate) for the purpose of decorating the sheet in front of the cart. A number of young men, decorated with ribbons and rosettes, are har- nessed to the cart, and go through the evolutions of a morris dance (literally meaning a Moorish dance, and

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supposed to have been copied from the natives of Morocco) as they drag the rushcart along through the different villages, accompanied by the music of fifes and drums, and the cracking of whips. In Lancashire the carts are gene- rally drawn by horses, preceded by the morris dancers. Now watch the nimble morris dancers, Those blithe, fantastic antic prancers, Bedeck’d with gaudiest profusion Of ribbons, in a gay confusion Of brilliant colours, richest dyes, Like wings of moths and butterflies ; Waving white kerchiefs here and there, And gp and down, and everywhere. : * *

With green oak boughs the cart is crowned, — The strong gaunt horses shake the ground. Now see the welcome host appears, And thirsty mouths the ale-draught cheers ; Draught after draught is quickly gone— here’s a health to everyone !” Away with care and doleful thinking— The cup goes round, what hearty drinking ! While many a youth the lips are smacking, And the two drivers’ whips are cracking. Now strike up music, the old tune ; And louder, quicker, old bassoon ; Come, bustle, lads, for one dance more, And then cross-morris three times o’er. If the builders of rushcarts wish to preserve the custom which has now for so many centuries been observed in Saddleworth, let them be more circumspect in the choice of morris dancers, and in their behaviour, for if the usual disgraceful scenes continue to be enacted they may be assured that they will entirely lose the support of those who have hitherto been their friends. The great festival of Michaelmas Day, thought so much of in farming countries, is not upheld, as a rule, in Saddleworth. Christmas is so universal a feast that it scarcely needs recording ; but it is not solely of Christian origin. At this period of the year the Romans held feasts to their gods, and released numerous slaves. The Druids, too, held their feasts in honour of Belus; and the Saxon pagans made great rejoicings and feastings in celebration of the deeds of daring and valour performed by their god Woden.

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I now come to the miscellaneous or occasional customs of Saddleworth, of which I shall only note a few. Hare hunting is pursued by a pack of harriers belonging to a subscription club, but which are sent out for food and training amongst the poor weavers and other lovers of the chase, who produce them for their work on hunting days. In hare hunting over the Saddleworth hills, it is very seldom that any mounted followers are seen with the hounds, on account of the ruggedness of the ground and the dangers attendant upon the chase when puss seeks refuge in some of of the mountain gullies ; but there are, however, a numerous band of followers on foot, who leave the loom or the workshop for a day’s bracing exercise with the hounds, consequently there are more blue aprons than red coats to be seen at a Saddleworth hunt. Trail hunting does not entail so much laborious exercise upon its admirers as hare hunting, and is so far advantageous that it can be pursued without cruelty. The favourite course for a good trail hunt extends from Meltham, by Wessenden Head, Diggle Edge, Harrop Edge, and forward to the Star Inn, at High Moor, a distance of about ten miles. The annual trail hunt is generally held about Christmas, and attracts many lovers of the sport to all the rincipal points from whence a good view of the race may be obtained, especiaily Harrop Edge and the Star Inn. There are generally three -prizes run for, ranging in value from five to twenty pounds, at the grand annual trail; but smaller races have smaller prizes. Two men in general run the trail, which is a scented rag, over the pre-determined course, and after a proper length of time has elapsed the dogs, varying in number, are slipped, and after “running the gauntlet” scarcely less terrible than that of the American Indians’, the one arriving first is duly declared the winner. Opponents of certain dogs will sometimes meet them on the trail, and stoning them off the scent will drive the wretched fugitive home, but such conduct is neither fair nor manly, and cannot be too much condemned. If justice could be done, the offenders in this manner would be severely punished, and would certainly deserve it. The principal dogs in this line of hunting, of which we have any trustworthy record,

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are Bouncer, Plunder, Plunger (an old favourite whom I have seen pretty near stoned to death by “men” from Mill- bottom), Nudger, Cracker, and Blueman, with a few others ; not forgetting Jonah B——’s little Bounty, the heroine of many a well-contested race. Then “ Hark up to Bounty!’’ the pride of the vale, How silent and swiftly she swings through the gale; O’er rock, bog, and mountain she hurries along, Through bracken and brushwood, and heather among. The laurels of Nudger, of Bouncer, of all, Of Blueman and Plunger, on Bounty must fall; And Friezland, long silent, shall now many days Set forth Bounty’s doings, and sing in her praise.

Stang-riding is an ancient custom resorted to to punish either husband or wife who rides roughshod over that one whom he or she has promised “ to love, honour, and cherish,” but it is gradually departing from us, and now only prac- tised on extraordinary occasions, when the culprit is mounted on a pole, or stang, or sometimes on a ladder, and carried thus on men’s shoulders through the place where the offence was committed. The procession is often accompanied by almost every imaginable discordant noise, which only ceases when the stang-ridden person is upset in some neighbouring pond or cesspool. An excellent engraving of stang-riding (or rather mule-riding) is given in the older editions of ‘¢ Hudibras ;” and Grose tells us how that .“‘ the man rode behind the woman with his face to the horse’s tail, holding a distaff in his hand, while his wife is beating him all the time with a ladle. A petticoat on a staff was carried before them, to show the superiority of the female. Marrow-bones and cleavers, bulls’ horns, tongs, gridirons, and kettles accompanied them, and the following doggrel, called a nominy, was repeated :— With a ran, tan, tan, on my old tin can, Mrs. and her good man. She banged him, she banged him, for spending a penny when he stood in need, she up with a three-footed stool: she struck him so hard, and she cut him so deep, till the blood ran down like a new stuck sheep. In some cases they used to sweep before the husband’s door, and before the door of the next “ happy couple” on whom they intended to practise if their domestic life did not

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improve. It seems to have been common in Scotland, in Yorkshire, and many other parts of England, and Misson says that he witnessed it in the streets of London. It is also known in Scandinavia, and in Spain, where they decorate the man’s head with stag’s antlers, flags, and bells. I have not known a woman stang-ridden in Saddleworth, but her effigy sometimes makes a fine bonfire for the boys. Inr one of the notes in Thomas Shaw’s book of poems is an account of an ancient custom, now obsolete, and which I insert in conclusion of this sketch. He says:— ,

For a person to be always secure from the power of witchcraft he must provide himself with a good chaffing dish full of burning coals ; it being on a Saturday about midnight next to Allhallows Eve. Then, having previously swept the thrashing floor of the next barn, the fire is to be placed about the midst, and you have nothing to do but to watch till itis burnt out. The success of the scheme depends simply on this: that no person but yourself has known or seen any- thing of the fire, and that you acquaint no one with it for twelve months and a day after. Following this rule you are sure to inherit the skill of the first necromancer that dies, without losing any of your present virtue; but if anybody besides yourself has seen the fire, especially the owner of the premises or any of his family, or you are so weak as to divulge the secret, you will be liable to be bewitched as long as you live, because no future charm can effectually rid you from the power of necromancy.

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distinguished themselves in the poetic line, thoug there are one or two others whom eccentricity of character or other peculiarity has rendered notable. T shall take them in alphabetical order, commencing with Bottomley, the late “ Bard of the Mountain,” from whose works I have already made several extracts. He was residing at Cross Keys, near Saddleworth Church, in 1800, and died about 1814. I cannot find his grave. His works, including ‘“ Greenfield, a Poem,” and other minor pieces were published in 1816 by his brother, Lieutenant Bottomley, of the 15th foot. The book contains a number of illustra- tions drawn and engraved in very fair style by Lieutenant Bottomley, who followed the profession of an engraver before enlisting as a soldier, and appears to have taken up the graver again on leaving the army. From these works, which were composed whilst engaged in the weaving loom, one extract will suffice besides those already given. The following enigma will puzzle many a wise head :—

Upon the banks of silver Tame, There lived a man of honest fame, Who was great uncle to his brother, And natural uncle to his mother ; His wife both spouse and sister is, And children crown their nuptial bliss ; From breach of law and incest free, I humbly ask how this can be?

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The family of Broadbent, too, has produced its poet. He was born in Friar Mere in 1801, and worked during a great part of his life in a silk mill near Todmorden, where, after a life of trouble and distress, he died on the 28th of April, 1840, in the fortieth year of his age. His works were published after his decease by a few friends who wished to relieve the widow in her great distress. The following lines on sympathy is a good specimen of his style :— Would’st thou see a mortal blest? Hear his grateful accents flow ? Pour the balm into his breast, Snatch him from impending woe. Though he sighs in silent grief, Through each weary night and day, Sympathy affords relief, Bearing half his load away. Sympathy has soothing power, Softens winter into spring; Lights each long and darksome hour, hields us with a seraph’s wing. His works do not contain much light poetry, but the follow- ing epigram is good :— Once famed Lord Bacon told this lie, But might not swell the number— That tall men’s heads, like garrets high, Are fit for nought but lumber. Ill give him a reply as smart, Since I am six feet wholly, And say—a head too near the heart Did never yet think coolly. William Heginbottom, a son of the Rev. John Hegin- bottom, died at Ox Hey, in Friar Mere, on 8th December, 1817, aged 91 years. He was a great proficient in music, taking part in anthem singing at Saddleworth Church when he was over 80 years of age. He was a man of the strictest honour and integrity, and a zealous sup- porter of the established church. He was what a father, a usband, and a friend ought to be. He was father to ten children, father-in-law to ten, grandfather to 131, great grandfather to 153, and great great grandfather to one, in all 305, the last of whom he walked 32 miles to see in his ninetieth year. He saw his grandfather, father, sons, grandsons, their sons, and the daughter of his grandson’s

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son—even seven generations. He was followed to the grave by nine of his own children (whose united ages were 533 years), 59 of his grandchildren, and a numerous sorrowing assemblage of other relatives, vocalists, friends, and domestics at St. Thomas’ Church, Friar Mere, where, after the solemn funeral anthem had been sung he was interred by torchlight, on Friday evening, December 12th, 1817, deeply regretted by all who knew him. (Methodist Magazine, 1818.) Broadbent, the poet, was one of his grandchildren; and the musical talent still remains in the family. James Platt, long noted in Yorkshire and the neighbour- ing counties as a great proficient in bellringing, was born at Cloughbottom, near the parish church, on the 21st of April, 1785, and began his career as a bellringer in his fifteenth year. He was one of the greatest campanologists and composers of bell music in Great Britain, and assisted in carrying upwards of 30 prizes for bellringing in different towns in Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, and Derbyshire, always ringing the tenor bell. He has left behind a great quantity of music in manuscript, adapted for six, eight, and twelve bells, and has given instructions to most of the ringers of the present day. He was also fife-major in the York- shire local militia, and acted as such on the staff for man ears. He was founder and leader of the Saddleworth Old eed Band, established in 1817, and was considered one of the best piccolo players of the day. He died on the 21st September, 1858, and was interred in the family vault at Saddleworth Church, followed to the grave by upwards of 150 persons, mostly bellringers and musicians from the surrounding towns. He was carried to the grave by the senior ringers, who rang a muffled peal on the handbells over his grave at midnight. Other peals honoured his memory in distant towns. The late James Platt, of Prospecton, was both poet and essayist. He claimed the authorship of the epitaph on Bill’s o’ Jack’s gravestone, but it is not inserted amongst his works published since his death. He wrote “Tom Sheridan’s Shooting Excursion ;”’ a religious drama, entitled “Joseph and his Brethren;” and several dialogues on various subjects.

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Some time ago I came across a few stray pages of a book of poems written by one Shaw (“ Apiarian”), of Ox Hey, who, judging from some of his pieces, must have been quite a jovial character. His “ Hunting Dog” was once a general favourite, consequently I here insert it :—

Let the praises of Bouncer with freedom resound, Since through the whole country there’s not such a hound. When the field-word is given he capers for joy, And flies like a dart for “old Jone i’th’ Ox Hey.”’ Like a sunbeam so fleetly he ranges the glen, Vales and mountains re-echo his voice back again ; Talk of hedgerows six-quarters !—they aid but his flight, For, like an old Spartan, he bounds them outright. His comrades, with Nudger, can but fumble them o’er, Tamely Nudger, famed Nudger, confesseth his power. Drink, ye friends of brave Bouncer, and fill up again, Drink his health and be merry, for none can him tame.

Some of Shaw’s epitaphs are rather good ; take the following examples :— ON AN OLD SOLDIER. Here lies, ye tars, a son of Mars, Found dead in regimental ; For ought I know, the truth’s below, ‘‘ His end was accidental.” ON A WOMAN’S MAN. Here lies a limb of little Wim, Reduced ere this to ashes ; Once famed for skill to lead the will, Quite captive of the lasses. ON A WICKED COBBLER. A cobbler’s here to mend the sole, And make it steer from pole to pole ; Because his own he would not mend, The devil took him for a friend.

“The Black Fleet of Denshaw,’ in praise of the Denshaw mowers, and a satirical hit at Napoleon I., and ‘ A Question in Arithmetic,” relating to Studley Pike, are both very good ; but his principal work is the “ Narrative of Shantooe Jest, alias Old Mr. Robert Dillrunce,” a Pindaric ode of sixty verses, in which are introduced

The beater of old Tame, And thrasher of Slackcote ; _ With new Tame fiend, And young Grange Bump, his friend.

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These ancient gentry, im company with Old Hob, Delph Will, and Griffin-factory-Marr, held their ghostly meetings at the Bakestone pit, near Delph, where the poet informs us,

One dreadful, darksome night f din and war, Fell all, save Bump and Marr.

The following acrostic is also by Shaw :—

J ustice, awful legislator, O ’er the world presiding reigns ; S ees who spurns her laws and hate her, E ach illegal deed disdains, P roudly o’er the rebel throng H er vengeful sword shall shake ere long.

George Smith, late editor of the “ Shepherds’ Magazine,” was born near Uppermill, in Saddleworth, about the year 1800. An ardent lover of his native valley, the magazine is well sprinkled with descriptive pieces by his pen. His history of Bucton Castle, in Micklehurst, and account of the battle in the valley below, between the Saxons and Danes (taken from the archives in York Minster), is interesting, but, the magazine being published solely for the order of Shepherds, the general public seldom see it. The following lines, by Mr. Smith, appeared in its pages :— I THE MOUNTAIN MINSTREL.

On the verge of a rock, when the sun left the moor, The minstrel was sat near his ivy-clad door ; His tresses were grey, and his features were mild, And he loved the bleak mountains, huge, barren, and wild. Now soothing, now melting, how dulcet his strains, Which die in the distance of verdureless plains ; While the notes from the high cliffs of Alphin rebound, And Alderman’s caverns re-echo the sound. The breath of the mountain rides fresh on the gale, And the shadows extend o’er the depths of the vale ; While the sun’s setting rays and the vesper star bright Fill the soul with a glow of enraptured delight, And the music—etherial, delicious, and fine, Exalted, seraphic, enchanting, divine— So peacefully stealing from eloquent strings A purer refinement of ecstasy brings. The lady of night in her fulness arose O’er vast: mountains bleak, in the calm of repose.

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As the spirit of light threw his beams ’thwart the dell, The sound of the harp on those beams lightly fell, Which danced on the lake’s slightly tremulous breast, Near the place where our brave Saxon ancestors rest, And a requiem is heard where terrific alarms, In ages departed, had sounded to arms. The music of evening floats light on the breeze, And the zephyrs which play on the leafy-clad trees, And the murmuring tones of the sweet mountain rill In unison chime with the harp of the hill. Now veering its cadence, now swelling in grace, The spirit of harmony fills the vast space, With music ethereal enlivening the air, For melody soft is the essence of prayer. How dear to the minstrel the scenes he surveyed, Where his childhood had wandered, his manhood had strayed ; The home of his fathers, the place of his birth, To him far the dearest, the happiest on earth. Now with spirit elate he applies all his skill, To his finishing touch on the harp of the hill ; His strains are more varied—now brisk and now slow, Now rising in rapture, now plaintive and low, The minstrel inspired and with feelings refined Of delight, and and duty combined, His harp to his cottage again he conveys, With eyes beaming rapture, his heart full of praise ; There, piously kneeling, his orisons pays To the God who with mercy had crowned all his days. Contentment and ce in his cottage reside, And the harp of his sire is his wealth and his pride.

Saddleworth can boast of several eccentric ministers at Lydgate and the parish church. The Rev. Mr. Sutcliffe acted as minister of Saddleworth during the illness of Mr. Zouch, the incumbent, and died in charge, being succeeded by the present Canon Raines, of Milnrow. To Mr. Raines succeeded Mr. Allkin, and upon the death of Mr. Zouch the Rev. R. Whitelock entered upon the incumbency, which he has now held for over forty years. That Mr. Sutcliffe was a “free liver,” and rather fond of his glass, seems to be an acknowledged fact. An anecdote is told of his meeting one of his parishioners at the Cross Keys, but this man having neglected to attend service so regularly as usual, Mr. Sutcliffe took him to task on the matter, when the man retaliated by upraiding the minister for not preaching such good sermons as he had heforetime done. Mr. Sutcliffe,

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anxious to please, promised to preach any sermon, or from any verse the man should select, if he would attend on the following Sunday. The man selected the text, Numbers, xxii. chap., 30th verse, “‘Am not I thine ass?” and so well pleased was he with the sermon that he continued a regular attendant ever after. Reference has elsewhere been made to one of the ministers of Lydgate Church who exchanged the sword of the spirit for the weapons of temporal warfare, but whose accidental death intervened to prevent him from following his newly adopted profession. Amongst the most eccentric characters of Saddleworth, however, the Rev. John Heginbottom, of the old parish church certainly appears to stand pre-eminent. He was one of those clergymen of a type almost unknown at the present day, who considered that they performed their duty satisfactorily provided they attended to the’ ordinary routine services of the church on Sundays, and were not very frequently absent when required for funerals and marriages. His motto, as handed down by tradition, and said to have been uttered in reply to a remonstrance by one of his flock that his preach- ing and practicé did not agree with other other, was, “ Do as I say, and not as I do.” He was intimate with such _ men as Mr. John Collier, of Milnrow, better known through- out the district by his adopted sobriquet of Tim Bobbin, and it appears to us that he had many characteristics in common with the broad, original humorist of Lancashire. But notwithstanding the fact that he was exceedingly fond of his glass, and thoroughly at home in the rudest descrip- tion of tavern company, there can be little doubt that his mental qualifications and culture were of no mean order. On one occasion, when he had been drinking at the Swan Inn, Dobcross, for some days, he was reported for his . irregularities, and on the still more serious charge of being a Jacobin—about the most odious accusation that could sibly be made in those days, when to be suspected of olding Liberal principles was regarded as treason both to the church and the state—and ordered to preach before the Bishop of Chester, in whose diocese Saddleworth was at that time, at Manchester Old Church on the following morning. He was still at the Swan Inn when the message

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reached. him late on the Saturdaynight. He took a good rest for a few hours, and then started off on horseback for Man- chester, studying as he went the main points of his defence. When he entered the place his eyes wandered over the congregation and, to his surprise, a well-known Saddle- worth face met his gaze. Presently he saw another, and another, until at length he made the discovery that no incon- siderable number of his own parishioners had found their way to the old church in Manchester that morning, and the conviction was forced upon him that many of his neighbours must have known of. the fact that he was to be summoned to preach in the presence of the bishop that morning before the message had reached him. Ascending the pulpit, he opened the Bible at 42nd chapter of the Book of Genesis, and, looking round on his parishioners, he read as his text the latter part of the 16th By the life of Pharaoh, surely ye are spies.” ‘The bishop was so well pleased with the sermon or defence, that Mr. Heginbottom returned to his church and his tavern with great honour. One Sunday, Mr. Heginbottom, after having spent nearly the whole of the preceding week in a drinking bout at an inn near the church, with his clerk as a boon companion, preached an extremely strong sermon in condemnation of the prevailing vice of intemperance, and the dangers of strong drink. The views which he unfolded were in a great measure anticipatory of the tenets held by the teetotallers of the present day, so that his hearers once more marvelled at the extraordinary distance between their pastor’s theories and his practices. Not one man in the church was, however, more completely astonished at the discourse than the clerk, and on following him into the vestry at the close of the service, in order to assist in divesting him of his priestly robes, he remarked to Mr. Heginbottom that he had preached a very severe sermon against drinking. ‘Yes, John,” was the reply of the divine. “ But,” said John, unable to comprehend the sudden conversion of his spiritual guide to asceticism, “‘ yo noan ut yo un me wor drinking o’th’ week welly at th’ Cross Keys Inn.” “True,” was the reply of the parson, “but then you see, John, the landlord of the Cross Keys has

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a very capital tap of beer just now, and if we don’t do something to keep people from drinking so much, it will be consumed too soon, and we shall get a very poor share of it.” John saw it at once, and his reverence for the Rev. John Heginbottom was more profound than ever from that day. One Saturday evening, Mr. Heginbottom was in the company of Tim Bobbin and a few other congenial spirits, at a public house in Milnrow. The fun was fast and furious, and the company made serious inroads into the stores of the landlord, which in their turn committed considerable havoc with the senses of the jovial and noisy party. At length one of those sudden disagreements which frequently occur amongst friends who have partaken too freely of liquor, arose between Tim and the parson. The war of words deepened into blows, and not content with using their fists, the antagonists fought fiercely with the stools on which they had been sitting. The Saddleworth divine had decidedly the worst of the encounter, for he was knocked down by a well-planted blow from Tim’s three-legged stool. It was not far from midnight, and the wounded man was a very long way from home, but he reached the Saddleworth par- sonage at last, sufficiently sobered by the sudden shock of the encounter and by the journey to remember that he had to do duty in the morning. He condemned the folly manifested by two fast friends when they attempt to comb each other’s hair with three-legged stools. The full force of the awkward osition in which he stood did not, however, come home to is mind until he awoke from a troubled sleep with an aching brow, and a wounded face. How would it be possible for him to appear in the church as the recognised leader of the devotions of his parishioners while his visage Bore so many visible tokens of the public house fray in which he had borne a prominent part? What would his enemies say—for he knew well enough that saintly pastors have enemies even amongst their own flocks—when they beheld his wounded nose and discoloured eyes? How should he preach the gospel of peace with the scars of conflict upon his counte- nance? His wife came to the rescue of her lord and master in the emergency, and succeeded in painting and plastering

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his face so well that he was deemed just passable for the pulpit. So skilfully was he enamelled that he did not seem so very severely battered, considering the rough scene in which he had figured on the preceding night. So to church he went with as good a face as possible, and com- forted to some extent by the reflection that, after all, his beloved hearers knew nothing about the humiliating facts of the case, as there had not been time for the ill news to be blown over the wild hills from Milnrow, and that he knew more about the public house quarrel than any other mortal who would be likely to attend church that morning. It was a baseless thought, for no sooner had the service fairly com- menced than Tim Bobbin and others who had been present at the Milnrow carousal planted themselves in the front of the southern gallery, in full view of the persecuted divine. He was slightly taken aback, but not utterly confounded, and when he had reflected a moment on the character of his friends, he could not feel much astonished at their presence. Surely they too were spies who had come to Saddleworth Church for the very purpose of beholding his marred, scarred countenance, as he “ wagged his pow in a pulpit.” They did not find it so hideous as they had anticipated, thanks to the judicious renovation which had done so much to hide its defects. Mr. Heginbottom was, as usual, equal to the occasion. He saw plainly enough that his friends were disappointed with the comparatively comely aspect of the preacher, for their grimaces were not quite up to the Tim Bobbin mark. They could not put him out of countenance. He was grave and sober as a judge, and he speedily resolved to turn the tables upon them by assuming that Tim had been vanquished, and that the divine had undoubtedly been the victor in the battle. The sermon which he had prepared was not however appropriate enough for the purpose, and he felt that he must put it aside and make some pointed references to the Saturday night’s fray, in a manner which his ordinary congregation would not be likely to understand, although his special hearers from Miln- row would appreciate them. He gave out his text from the 13th chapter of Nehemiah, and part of the 25th verse, and then, assuming the air and tone of a conqueror, he looked

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Tim Bobbin and his associates full in the face as he repeated the words, ‘“‘ And I contended with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and plucked off their hair, and made them swear by God.” He then poured forth a voluble discourse on the text, not forgetting to administer some sly but effective blows at his foe during its delivery. He knew that for once he had him upon the hip, and that he might strike out boldly at his antagonist, without any fear of his head or his arguments being battered with a three-legged stool. Unfortunately, tradition has preserved no outline of the sermon for the benefit of the present generation. Another version of the same story alleges that after floormg his reverend foe Tim Bobbin would only accept the word “<vield,” which was usually pleaded by a vanquished fighter, on condition that the parson should on the coming Sunday morning preach an appropriate sermon on the fray. Mr. Heginbottom, knowing that Tim was the parish clerk at Milnrow, assented to the terms, but only on condition that Tim should come and hear the discourse, feeling certain that the clerk’s duties would effectually prevent his attendance at Saddleworth Old Church. Tim Bobbin was not to be foiled in that manner, so after providing a substitute to do duty at Milnrow Church, he and his friends set off over the hills, and reached the scene of the wounded parson’s ministra- tions shortly after the commencement of the service. The Milnrow group listened attentively to the sermon, and at its close Tim jumped up, and smiting the palm of one hand with his fist, exclaimed in a loud voice, which was heard all over the church, “ Well done, parson.” This eccentric man was in some measure the cause of Hey Chapel being erected. It appears that in those days, when the value of the living was small, the minister was to some extent supported by the voluntary gifts of the wealthier portion of the parishioners, and that there was in existence a recognised scale of dole, roughly graduated according to the social position of the parties. Five guineas annually was the mark of the first class, and three a tacit confession that the donor belonged to a somewhat inferior grade of society. Mr. Heginbottom, on going his annual round, called at the mansion of one of his parishioners, who had

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always been good for five guineas; but, to his extreme disgust, the lady offered only three to him. “No,” was his remark ; “if I can do with that from you, I can do without it.” She apologised, and, after assuring him that she had offered the three guineas merely to try his humility, she gave the usual amount. He read a severe lecture to her upon the impropriety of attempting to test a clergyman’s humility in money matters. This little incident gave rise to some gossip in the neighbourhood, which put the lady referred to upon her mettle, and, as the family had three residences, to which Hey was about central, while the old church was so far away that a journey to it in the depth of winter, through bad roads occasionally rendered impassable by snowdrifts, she offered to give a very handsome sum towards the erection of a new church at Hey, provided others in the neighbourhood would contribute in a similar proportion. The challenge was taken up shortly afterwards in good earnest, and Hey Chapel was the result. I ought to have mentioned an impromptu rhymester named Lees, sometime residing near Dobcross, but his works, though excellent in their way, have never been pub- lished. On one occasion, when passing over Ladcastle, he met a man against whom he had ill-feelings riding on horse- back. After passing each other in silence for some distance, Luces called him back, and on his approaching thus addressed. im :— There lives a little man under Wharmton Tar, A fiend of the Devil, or I'll be far; For doing of evil, and loving it well, I Folks verily believe he’s the Devil himsel’..., Yoh con goo on wi’ yo neaw; aw’ve done wi” yo!

i. ag '

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Ramble the Hirst.

making an itinerary of Saddleworth, it is best to Wy make Dobcross our starting point, as it is the most 9 central village in the parish. This village, one of the most populous in the district, consists of a steep street of houses, erected on the southern -declivity of Harrop Edge, and on the road from Wallhill to Woolroad. The derivation of Dobcross is very uncertain, probably it may be Dob’s Cross, as sometimes spelt, and have originated from some cross erected here in Roman Catholic times by a person named Dob, as it was then common to erect memorial crosses by the roadsides. Dobcross is sometimes called Woods by old people—probably from the name of some family who first dwelt there. Near the centre of the village stands the church of the Holy Trinity before described, the population attached to which is 1,972. The Saddleworth Bank (London bankers, Glyn, Mills, & Co.) is a handsome stone building, in the square. This bank was opened in 1826, in the name of Buckley, Shaw, & Co., but the numerous failures among private bankers in 1832 created powerful feelings against them; hence, on March 1st, 1833, this was made into a joint stock bank, by the admission of 124 new partners, and designated ‘“ The Saddleworth Banking Company.” It has more recently amalgamated with the Manchester and County Banking Company Limited, and now forms one of its branch establishments. A fair was first held here on the last Thursday in July 1828, but it

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is now held on the first Thursday in August, and another on the third Thursday in March. On leaving Dobcross by what is called the Chapel Meadow, we reach a new road along the banks of the Tame, which we follow to our left, when we have a fine view of the railway viaduct of twenty- three arches, and over sixty feet high, and close adjoining an aqueduct for the canal spanning the Tame, whilst the horizon is formed by the hill on which boldly stand the time- honoured relics of our Keltic forefathers. Passing beneath the viaduct we have, on our left hand, the pleasantly situated residence of Mrs. Bradbury, called Brown Hill, and overlooking Uppermill and the valley of the Tame. Below is the small valley known as Pickil Clough, looking up which the house and the estate of Ryefields are seen, the former a modern structure in the Elizabethan style. Directly after leaving the Pickil (Pixy Hill, or Brownie Hill, now called Brownhill) we enter Uppermill, the largest and most important village in Saddleworth, as its close proximity to the canal and railway has been greatly advan- tageous to it; but where the villages and hamlets of the district have been deprived of their former traffic in the coaching days, and not been benefited by steam communica- tion, we find little but ruin and decay. Uppermill lies in a low and warm valley, sheltered by opposite hills, in a great measure, from the terrific winter blast that howls over these mountainous regions. The houses are regularly built, the streets spacious, and the whole place is more town-like in appearance than any of the surrounding villages. Upon entering the square we have a row of good, substantial shops on one side, and on the opposite the Commercial Hotel, and the Methodist Chapel, erected in 1811. A short distance from the square, on our right hand, is the many- gabled mansion called St. Chad’s, the residence of George Shaw, Esq., J.P., situate in a most pleasant spot on the banks of the Tame, where that winding river rushes rapidly over its rocky bed, and passes underneath a rustic bridge connecting two separate parts of the ground. Many antiquities of local interest are preserved at St. Chad’s. At the top of Court Street stand the Co-operative Society’s building and the Mechanics’ Hall, Crossing the stone bridge over the river,

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we have on our right hand “ Ebenezer” Chapel, built in 1807, for the use of the Independents, and on the contrary side a handsome school house in connection with it, which has been enlarged within these past few years. A fair is held at Uppermill on the 13th of June, and the first Wednesday in October. The village was lighted with gas in 1850, by a local company, but it is now supplied from Stalybridge. The magistrates meet fortnightly, at the Mechanics’ Hall, and the judge of the county court sits monthly. On leaving Uppermill, some of the finest scenery opens before us; on our left Rush Hill, the residence of Mr. John Platt, stands on a cliff above the Tame, and overlooks several acres of rich woodland scenery, and the majestic hills of Alderman, Alphin (the high mountain), and Wharmton. Half a ‘mile from Uppermill is Greenfield Station, the principal one in Saddleworth, as branch lines extend from here to Delph and Oldham. Nearly opposite the station is the post office, the first and second masters of which were brothers, lately dead, and now lie in the adjoining church- yard, aged, respectively, 26 and 27 years. Before going further, let our itinerant stand and look around. Below him lies the Valley of the Tame, on whose banks are gradually rising immense cotton factories, and numerous cottages for the operatives, which, though conducive to the wealth and commercial importance of the district, it must - be confessed are blots on the scene, and tend to rob our valleys of their natural charms. To the north the eye wanders to Harrop Edge and Standedge; in the north-east and east the Church Moors, Pots and Pans, and the rock- crowned summit of Alderman are seen; in the south-east the rocks and moors of Greenfield bound the horizon, and the circle is then completed by Alphin, Noon Sun, and Wharmton, whilst Uppermill les squatted amongst its woodland scenery, and the long venerated church on the sides of the hill, crowned with the remains of an earlier religion, are prominent objects in the landscape. On the wooded slope of Wharmton stands Wharmton Tower, the residence of Mr. Henry Gartside, commanding an extensive prospect of the Greenfield hills. Descending from the railway station to Royal George Church (Christ Church) we

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turn to the left, and, crossing the bridge over the river, arrive at Wellihole and the Cotton Tree Inn—commonly called “ Th’ Red Sign”—at Ridding, where are four cross roads, the one in a direct line leading to Stockport and Derbyshire, the one to the right to Stalybridge, &c., and the one to the left to Greenfield and Holmfirth. If the tourist follow the Stockport road for a short distance, he will arrive at a lane crossing his path toward the river. This is known as Shadow’s Lane, and at this point forms the division between the counties of York and Chester, and the stream from the end of the lane to Hill Mill, at Roughtown, forms a portion of the boundaries of the same counties, and from that mill it separates Lancashire from Cheshire, whilst a small tributary arising on the elevations about Quick Edge divides Yorkshire and Lancashire at this point. Standing at Micklehurst (the great wood), on the Stockport road, and looking down the Tame Valley, a far different scene is laid before us to that just gone over. Instead of the hills being irregularly scattered here and there, we find them ranged in order along the sides of the valley, and that valley—hereto so picturesque and lovely— now becomes totally changed in its aspect; in place of verdant banks and overhanging trees we find towns erected, and busy with the cotton manufacture. Mossley Bottoms, not very long ago a mere village, lies immediately before us, swelling daily in size and self-importance; but close to this proof of the advancement of civilization and modern science there is another scene—one that will lead our thoughts back some hundreds of years, and tend to make us contemplate the times then and now. Let the wanderer turn his eyes upwards to a hill on his left, and.-there, like some aged, solitary sentinal, stands, deserted and decayed, all that is left of Bucton Castle, which once frowned terribly over these vales to the terror of the inhabitants. Although Bucton Castle is not in the parish of Saddleworth, yet its close proximity to, and ancient connection with, “the dark valley” render it worthy of a passing remark. From the remains of the structure it appears to have been oval in shape, and to have had an entrance opening north- ward, to which a drawbridge over the moat is supposed to

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have given access. The castle was surrounded by a moat, except on the steepest side, which did not require it, and for further defence a second moat was constructed on that side the castle facing the level moors. Two cavities may be seen by the visitor—if anyone is fortunate enough to get there without being interfered with—one marking the position of the well, and the other showing where explora- tions were made in 1730 in search of treasure. During the “Pilgrimage of Grace,” in 1536, when 40,000 people, under their priests, rose up in insurrection against Henry VIII. for his destruction of the monasteries, and consequent starving of the poor, Bucton Castle was used as a beacon. Abbot Paslew, of Whalley Abbey, fired the first beacon in Pendle, the next was on Hades Hill, near Rochdale, third Bucton Castle, the fourth Kinder Scout, and so on. The whole of England north of the Trent rose to arms, and several severe battles were fought with the King’s troops. Among the archives of York Minster is an old record containing the account of a sanguinary conflict between the Saxons and Danes which took place in the valley below. There has long been a tradition that a battle had once been fought there, but it was thought to be “only a tale.” Of late years, however, undoubted proof has been found, and tradition, once more, proved a true historian. I Retracing our steps to Ridding, we take the Greenfield Road, and soon pass, on the right hand, D’Acres, the antique-looking residence of Thomas Shaw, Esq. Looking in a north-westerly direction from this road, we have a good view of the ancient hamlet of Shaw Hall, and in front of it the church and schools of Friezland form prominent objects in the view. A little further on the road we come to Heybottoms, and have a glimpse of Ladhill Bridge, which looks pretty and picturesque as it peeps from the surrounding foliage. Passing the ivy-covered school, we arrive at Nook Steer Bridge, and the junction of the road from Frenches and Uppermill. After a rest at the “ Clarence,” the pedestrian may, if he is so inclined, go to Chew Wells or Bill's o’ Jack’s, or may take a ramble amongst some of the straggling houses surrounding Nook Steer. On the slope of Alphin he will find many specimens of the primitive


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inhabitant, soil of the soil, ruaddy in complexion, strong in bone and muscle, and odorous of turf smoke. A visit to the laces named Kinder Intake, Slackhead, Bradburys and ernlee, will well repay the toil, and, if the visitor wishes to ascend still higher, a most miserable road will conduct him to Mount Misery, but, thanks to our Saddleworth nomencla- ture, there is a Noon Sun beyond, and on the heights above the weary pilgrim may rest on Abraham’s Chair, after which he will gladly take the nearest road into the valley. If the visitor be a botanist, he will find many rare plants during this mountain ramble. centaurium in the bare pasture lands grows to a large size, orchis maculata is occasionally found, as are also the different varieties of scabiose, rubus chamemorus or cloudberry, vaccinium oxycocens or cranberry, and vaccinium myrtillus or bil- berry, are common on these moors, as well as many specimens of ferns that are rare in other districts. The botrychium lunaria or moonwort, grows plentifully in Wharmton Wood, but luckily very few people look for it, or we should soon be without. Instead of taking the route last described, after leaving the inn, the tourist may follow the Holmfirth Road, until he arrives at a turning on the left, a little beyond the chain toll-bar, when, following this detour, he shortly comes to Hawkyard, an ancient house, formerly belonging to the Shaws, of Shaw Hall; and here in former times the hawks used by them in sporting were kept. From this point a good view of Pots and Pans rock, and the top of Alderman, may be had. From Hawkyard, he may go to Shepherd’s Green, a small hamlet by the side of a picturesque road near to Tunstead, where the lintel over a barn door is inscribed, “ L. W., 1633,” a date older than any I have seen on any other building in Saddleworth. At Boarshurst (the wood of the boar), is a day and Sunday school, which once held a prominent position among the educational institutions of Saddleworth; but is now being superceded by others of a more modern character. It is at present conducted by Mr. John Bower, the successor of Mr. Shackleton, one of the early explorers of the “ fairy holes.”” Near to Tunstead is Prospecton, the residence of Mr. Owen Platt, overlooking the lower parts of

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Greenfield valley, and the rugged entrance to Chew. Several neat and respectable mansions fill up the space between here and Fur-lane, where we find an old house of the Shaws. Here, making a detour to the right, the tourist, ascending the hill, gains the Roman road, which he may follow to Cross, and thence to the parsonage, which, though being bleak and exposed, commands a pleasing prospect of the adjacent valley and the surrounding country for many miles. The long, low building by its side is the old manse men- tioned in some of the deeds, but it is now some hundred years since any minister resided at it, and it is now a farm house. Turning down a footpath in Priest’s Clough, at the end of the old parsonage, a small waterfall may be seen, after heavy rains, and the path conducts us on to the road from Saddleworth Church to Uppermill, following which to the first mill a road opposite will take us into the Pickil fields, from whence a fine view of the old stone quarry at Den, the railway viaducts, with Dobcross peeping over them, and the horizon bounded by Highmoor, may be obtained. Pursuing the footpath through the little secluded valley, and passing up the hill at Ryefields, we descend on the other side to the village of Woolroad (Wolfroad), and thence may either return to Dobcross, if staying there, or take the road to the left leading to Saddleworth Station, from whence trains run to all parts. There are numerous inns along the line of route which has been traversed during this ramble, where the traveller may be refreshed, and any of the cottages will provide a simple meal.

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Ramble the Second.

Hills draw like heaven, And stronger sometimes, holding out their hands To pull you from the vile flats up to them.

ITH appropriateness and truth of this quotation (eG Dek will be easily understood by those whose lives, or a great part of them, have been spent in moun- tainous districts, among the howling tempests and the floating storm-cloud, in which the imagination has pictured to itself gigantic forms, and heard from thence the sighs and whispers of the spirit world. Let those who have thus lived be removed to the level plain, and, though fields may be waving with corn, and the orchard trees laden with fruit, yet the heart of the mountaineer is in the midst of his own wild scenes, “for he is a child of the mountain wild, and his home is on the moor.” Let him return to his childhood’s home, and who can tell the beatings of that heart when his eye-glance catches the first faint blue outline of those his native hills!

Dear is that cot to which his soul conforms, And dear that hill which lifts him to the storms ; And as a child, when scaring sounds molest, Clings close and closer to its mother’s breast, So the loud torrent and the whirlwind’s roar But bind him to his native mountains more.

In our second ramble we leave Dobcross by way of Sugar Lane, and pass the gates closing the entrance to the mansion of Buckley Bent, Esq., and opposite thereto Bridge House,

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the former residence of the Messrs. Platt, of Oldham. At the turn of the road our view on the left extends to Stand- edge in the north-east, while on the east and south-east the Greenfield and Ohurch Moors bound the view; Uppermill (locally called ‘th’ Uvermill,” and formerly spelt Over- migln), Woolroad, and the revered old Church forming prominent objects; as well as the noble viaducts, which cannot fail to draw attention. The old stone quarry on this road, with its ivy-covered rocks and evergreen shrubs, was some years ago a great resort of wild cats and foumarts, which preyed on the birds in the ivy, and very often visited neigh- bouring henroosts, but these pests are now much fewer than formerly. A little further on we arrive at Woolroad, a village built along the sides of the two roads which here meet. At the lower end of the village is a large and com- modious warehouse for storing goods brought hitherto by water. In the yard adjoining occasional bull-baits some fifty years ago, and the last one seen in Saddleworth was held here. By the side of the canal, a little above the warehouse, is an extensive dockyard, where boats are built and repaired for the company and for private traders. The next lock above the dockyard is half the perpendicular height between the sea at Liverpool and the cutting on Standedge, whilst the distance from Liverpool to Woolroad is over sixty miles, and that from Woolroad to the top of Standedge barely three. Shut in as Woolroad is amongst lofty mountains, a person unacquainted with the locality would naturally suppose that here might be enjoyed that Serene quietness so desirable after the toils and cares of business; but were that stranger to pitch his tent here for a short time he would find his judgment had erred, for the place has now for some time past been haunted (especially on Saturday afternoons and Sundays) by a set of low law- less vagabonds imported from the lowest slums of the neighbouring towns, so that now it is no uncommon occur- rence to hear the oaths and curses of Lancashire mingled with the ribald blackguardism of Yorkshire. At the upper end of the village an old house below the road bears the date “ M.P. 1724,” but, though the house is now almost buried by the road, it was, at the time the road was made,

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considerably above it, three steps having led from the road to the house door. Pursuing the higher road, a little further on, we pass, in the fields below, the little secluded hamlet of Marslands (the marshy lands), nestled amongst a few trees on our right.

Pleasant to all my thoughts, Pleasant as drink to parched thirsty souls, Pleasant as shade in burning torrid clime, Or downy pillow, to the weary limb Of worn-out traveller, or toilsome serf, ‘“‘’T'was here I smarted first, and first knew joy !’’


The next village on the lower road is Weakey, notorious for the sign of a swinging gate which hangs over the entrance to the village tavern, and on which is written :—

This gate hangs well, and hinders none, Refresh and pay, then travel on!

This house has long been a favourite with the Harrop- dalians, especially with those of the past generation, who nightly met here to discuss the news of the day, or, if an opportunity offered, to plague some unfortunate wight who was unlucky enough to have been born in Marsden, and whom business might have caused to “ come o’er th’ top.” A natural hatred is engendered between Marsden and Harropdale, and many severe engagements in lingual warfare have taken place at all the inns between Wool- road and Marsden, but particularly at the Great Western and the Hanging Gate, On the Saddleworth side, con- versations like the following would take place :—“‘ Neaw, Mairsden,” opens the attack on the part of Harrop- dale, “did ta larn th’ ten comman’ments afore theau started? Wor?” — Foufoot: “Not he, bi gar. Varry loik hi’s nivver yerd tell on ’em afore: hasto, lad?” Marsden will remain silent, until the first speaker—owd Cat Collop—warms him up with “Neaw! Duz to know th’ comman’ments, aw ax thi? If theau does, say so.”— Marsden: “ Not Haw.’—Cat Collop: “Theer, lads! Aw knew he did no’ know. Du some on yoh, prey yoh, taich him. His larnin’s bin neglected, poor lad.”—Split Bobbin:

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Webh, theau sees, Mairsden, ther wer oncet a felly rode o'cr t’ top fro t’ Delph, und when he’d getten into Bellusteawn —theau knows wheer that is—he turned his horse yed toth’ owd Tup dur, just as th’ owd kettle wer coin th’ Deynyedders, un settry, to th’ church, when out popped owd Sally to see what he wer beawn to have for’t sup. So he axed her th’ name o’t’ pleck, un hoo said, ‘ Mairsden.’ ‘ Mairsden, yo co it, sed th’ chap. Whoy, it’s mooar loik a devil’s den.’ ‘Eh! devil’s den, dun yo coal it ?’ owd Sally Says; ‘un win a cherch chapel, un a Methodi chapel, un owd Bond chapel. Un yo coalen it a devil’s den! Eh, well? ‘Un which dun yoh gu to?’ ses th’ stranger; un hoo oansert, ‘Haw gooa tuth’ cherch, when Haw gooa anniweer. ‘To th’ cherch, dun yoh? Well, un whot han yoh getten i’th church?’ ‘Oh! win getten Bawbles, un preyer books, un settry, un th’ ten cummandu- menents.’ ‘Qh! yo’n getten th’ comman’ments up, then ?’ says th’ owd mon ; ‘does onnibody hereabeawts know ’em ?” ‘Know ’EM!’ shouted eawt Sal, whol they met ha yerd her at th’ top o’ Pule. ‘Know ’em! Everybody knows ’em. Haw know ’em!’ ‘Yoh know ’em!’ th’ felly said. ‘Aw should just loik to yer ’em, as aw hannot toim for’t go to th’ church.’ So owd Sally brasted off a tellin’ him ut o’th’ Mairsdeners wer ordert lord o’ th’ manor to keep th’ ten comman’ments—that wer th’ feeusts, yoh known— that’s Michalmass, un Martinmass, Kersmass, und Cannel- mass, Shrovetawd, un Hester, un th’ two great feears.’ Those are th’ Mairsden comman’ments, lad; tak 7em wom wi thee.”—Marsdener: “Has th’ Sad’luth hoonds bin yoht latly, thinken yoh?”—Cat Collop: “Oh! thean’s bin takkin lassons 0’ Jammy o’ Rutchot’s, has tu? Well, just tell him to moind th’ ruins, wilt tu?”—Foufoot: “Ay, un tell him eawr Jim’s bin a bird-nestin latly, but he fun ther a neest egg short, ut he thinks us gone e’er th’top; so yon be havin lots o’ euckoos inneaw.”—Cat Collop: “Oi; thin be able to catch ’em neaw beaut woin on it in.”—Mars- dener: ‘‘Wooa kilt t’ cleckmatooad ?’’—Foufoot (imitating the Marsdener’s voice): “If we’d nobbut bin a cahrse or two hawr wi shoulden a had it; that’s wot ti sedden isn’t, lads? But, ello, chaps! here’s eawd Kedlock.” No sooner

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docs the old man enter than it’s “Sup, owd bird,” “Gie thi moind to it, mon,” “Tak another droight,” &c., from all sides, until our old acquaintance is satisfied; then, finding time to look round, he exclaims, suddenly, “ Bith’ heart aloive! yon getten a Cuckoolonder !’—“ Un as big a fooil as tee, or he wouldno ha bin here,” says the Marsdener.— “Nay, nay, lad,” says Kedlock, “dunno fratch wi me, for aw know owd Botany Bill, un wer good frens yet. Heaw © is th’ owd lad? Hast seen him latly?”—“Not just latly, but aw seed him as here bahn dahn th’ loin into th’ ‘tahn, abaht a fortnight sin, un he ailed naht then,” replied the man of Marsden. ‘He used to be a moance, did Bill, when he were yunk. Yohn yerd o’th Mairsden pee-a-cock. Bill wer a’th’ kessunin, un me un o, but moin wer accident- loik, as aw’re looking for summut. But aw’ll tell. yoh o abeawt it. It happent o’ this shap:—At th’ time ut aw’m tellin on, Bill un me wer nobbut yunksters, un Bill havin yerd o’ some mak of a woild beeast romblin up un deawn th’ moors, thowt he’d goo wit’ chaps to look at’t. So thi wenten deawn to Mairsden for ‘th’ wawsmon,’ as they coen him, un took him up to Standedge, weer th’ animal wor. They lookt at it, un he lookt at it, but it wur o to no use, for they cudne kersun it. The wawsmon thowt it were some mak of a forrin bird, but Adam nother did nor could kersun it. I’ his (th’ wawsmon’s) mind, it wer a ‘Brid o’ Para- dawse.” Then he egzamint it agen, un fun ut it had four legs to stond on, un two lung yers on it yed, un a lunger tail at th’ other eend, un it wer cuvvert wi yure. Th’ wawsmon lookt as if he’d fund summut eawt, so he toucht it tail, then he lookt into t tone yer, un then into t’ tother, us if. he expected foindin summut, un that wer th’ kersunin sarri- mony, for o at oncet he said, ‘ Lads, it’s a pee-a-cock !’ Abeawt three hours afore that, aw’d bin to th’ Wood’s, for some burm for eawr foak, un, as aw’re comin back, who should aw see but Junny o’ Joseph’s o’ John’s o’ owd Bennie o’ Loton’s, at Ceawd Heawse, gooin up th’ lone skrikin un yellin as if it had never yelled afore. So aw axed him what he’re skroikin’ for, un he said he’d lost theer jackass. A wer sorry to see t lad i’ trouble, so aw towd him ut, if aw’d toim toward th’ dellit, aw’d look reawnd for

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it. So, after aw’d done mi bits o’ odd jobs, aw set off o seechin th’ jackass, but aw had no getten far when aw met Jack o’ Jone’s 0’ Bill’s o’ young Bill’s o’ owd Bill’s 0’ owd Jone’s o’ Bill’s, it Gowburn Clewgh, comin back frot’ Thurstons, un he’d sin a donkey that rood on i’t’ morning ; so aw treawnst on tooard th’ Standedge, un geet tuth’ ass just ast’ wawsmon wer seyin ‘ pee-a-cock.’ Thi lookit gloppent, aw con tell yo, when aw towd ’em what it wor, for, true enoof, it were Junny’s feyther’s jackass. Bur aw mun go neaw. Awst be o’er at th’ Delph t’ day after to-morn. Iv onni on yo are theer, yoh known weer to foind me.” Thus they would talk for hours, if they could only get some one to bandy words with them; and even at the present day an occasional shot is fired between the contending parties. Still following the new road, the visitor passes on his right the hamlets of Sunfield, Carr (ancient British— A fortified place’’), and Deanhead ; and on his left, at a short distance, Blackhey Nook (near to which is Castle Shaw), and a little further on the road Laceby, and then arrives at the Floating Light Inn and reservoir, situated at the Sad- dleworth end of a deep cutting made through the top of the hill, and from this point we have a fine view of Harropdale, with Wharmton in the distance, and on our left Diggle Edge and the Church Moors; whilst on our right Harrop Edge, High Moor, &c., bound the horizon, and the calm serenity of the scene is only disturbed by the cry of the pewitt' and moorfowl. *Tis the land of my ancestry, dear the idea, Their shades still embodied in fancy I see ;

As dear as to Hebrew tho land of Judea, So dear are these hills and these valleys to me!

Walking through the cutting, we have at the other end the great Western Inn and reservoir, with Pule Hill in front, and on our left, at some distance, the lonely and noted house known by the name of Buckstones. In this house at Buckstones a gang of thieves had shelter for many years, and were thought to have had some connection with the murder of Mr. Horsfall, of Marsden, in 1812, as they were soon after that either imprisoned or disbanded.

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It is said that, when the constables went to make search for their prisoners, the woman of the house had a large bundle, which she stated to be a pudding for dinner, boiling in a pan over the fire; as the pudding, however, was not forth- coming in proper time, the constables, who remained on the premises, determined to examine it, when they found it to consist entirely of gold and silver watches—a rich pudding, but indigestible. These Buckstones brigands, too, have often waylaid travellers’ crossing Standedge on their way to the market towns. The custom formerly was for travellers to set off early in the morning (say one or two o'clock) from Saddleworth to Huddersfield, or from Mars- den to Manchester, in order to be at the market early in the day, and many are the stories I have heard of dangers met with in these regions. One of these strange stories informs us that a “ ghost” had several times been encountered on this road, but no one had been bold enough to attack it, until one night a waggoner, named Rodgers, passing that way, caught sight of the unwelcome visitor, and at once made ready for attack, and commenced to “ exorcise’ the ghost in a novel manner, by blows from a heavy whipstock, which so effectually “laid” the ghost that Standedge is now almost free from midnight prowlers. That ghost was living a few years since, and, I believe, is still, though at an advanced age. Like another ghost “he can a tale unfold.” Retracing our steps to the Floating Light reservoir, a rough, stony road, with a footpath on the moor edge, conducts us to Brun Clough, Whimsey, and Harrop Court, a little below which is Diggle Bridge. Another way from the “ Float” is to take the lower cartroad until we come to Thorstones, the place of worship of our Saxon forefathers, whence an old lane, in good condition, leads down to Harrop Green, and so on to Diggle Bridge. At Diggle, derived from the Saxon word degle, a valley, is a small inconvenient railway station, and the entrance to the canal and three railway tunnels, all running side by side from here under- neath Standedge and Pule, to Marsden. These are the three longest tunnels in England, the next is Woodhead, then the Summit (Blackstone Edge‘ Tunnel, and the Box Tunnel in the south of England. The acts for making the

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canal were obtained in 1794, 1800, and 1806. The canal enters Saddleworth at Carrhill, whence it pursues its course over the Tame by an aqueduct of two arches, and so proceeds to Uppermill, Woolroad, and to its head level, which is higher than that of any other canal in England. It then enters the tunnel, which is 5,477 yards, or three miles and 197 yards in length. Its fall from the head level is 436 feet on the eastern side, and 334 on the western. The length of the canal is 193 miles, cost £300,000, cost of tunnel £56,000, and the height of the tunnel above the sea 672 feet. The railway accompanies the canal through Saddleworth, and at Diggle enters the tunnel, for which the contractor was Mr. Thomas Nicholson, who was also the contractor for the Woodhead Tunnel, which is 46 yards shorter than the one under Standedge. This tunnel was commenced on the Ist of November, 1846, and completed November ist, 1848, whilst the canal tunnel was over twenty years in making. The height of the railway tunnel is 18 feet, breadth 15 feet, thickness of masonary from 18 inches to three feet. Besides the engines winding the debris up the, shafts, five in number, some 40 boats were employed in conveying excavated material by way of the canal to which drift-ways were cut. One thousand nine hundred and fifty-three men were employed on the work at one time; the gunpowder cost £5,131, gun cotton (then new) £29, fusees £698, candles £3,618. Of coal 8,733 tons were used, and 2,535 tons of lime. Nine fatal accidents occurred during the progress of the work. The I cost of the tunnel was £171,003 3s. 34d.; upon the approaches Mr. Nicholson expended £30,605 9s., making a total of £201,608 12s. 34d. The tunnel and approaches are 34 miles in length, showing the cost per mile to be £53,428 1s. 24d. The tunnel on the Oldham branch is 1,200 yards long. A second railway tunnel under the Stand- edge has been completed. In 1868 Mr. Thomas Nelson contracted for the work, but re-let it to sub-contractors, so that we have not the same opportunity of gaming informa- tion as to number of men, cost of work, &c., as in the older tunnel. The debris has been removed by boats (no shafts being used), and four powerful steam tugs have been


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employed to draw the other boats in and out of the canal tunnel. The new tunnel is arched throughout with brick, ‘and the work has fortunately progressed without any fatal accident occurring. The tunnel was opened for traffic in the beginning of 1871; the old tunnel was opened in 1849. At the extremity of the Diggle Valley is the woollen mill, until lately occupied by Mr. W. Broadbent, which contains the largest water wheel in England—it being 63 feet in diameter—10 feet less than its model, “The Lady Isabella,” at Laxey, Isle of Man, which is, or lately was, the largest water wheel in the world. In the North Clough there is a picturesque waterfall worth visiting, and at the junction with Wicken Clough, one of the Cinder Hills before mentioned, and also the target of the 34th W.Y.R.V. Passing from Diggle along the front of the new school, erected by subscription, in 1870, we proceed by Lee Cross to the ancient hamlet of Running Hill, where the Saddle- worth Workhouse is situated, on an eminence overlooking the valley of Harropdale, and a vast extent of country beyond. The Government Inspector says that “ this work- house is, in all respects, one of the best poorhouses in this country.” On the hill above, and a little beyond the stone quarries, is a house built on the top of asolid rock, the rock forming the whole floor of the house, which is the property of Messrs. Lees, of Clarksfield, and occasionally used as a shooting box. From hence may be seen the summit of Pule peering over the low part of Standedge on one hand, on another, Wharmton and the lesser hills about Quick are in view; while in front five distinct ranges of hills, extending far into Lancashire and the north, strike the eye of the beholder with admiration, while below him lie the scattered little hamlets of Harropdale, nestled in the quiet vale. Descending by the quarry road, towards Uppermill, we may notice the new school (in connection with the parish church), at Saddleworth Fold—probably the oldest Saxon village in the parish—and then, passing through the village, take a footpath to Ryefields, and so return to Dobcross.

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Banble the Third.

m\N the valley below Dobcross lies the improving Sy| village of Tamewater, situated on the banks of y| the river Tame, and surrounded by the most luxuriant scenery. Tamewater is, comparatively speaking, but a place of a day’s growth, yet I am inclined to think that ere long its situation on the new road from Delph to Brownhill, its close contiguity to the railway, and the enterprise of the neighbouring landholders, will produce such improvements in the place that all the importance originally attached to Dobcross will be transmitted to its offspring in the valley; but with the rise of Tamewater will come the gradual decay and ruin of Dobcross. Above Tamewater stands Dobcross parsonage, commanding an agreeable prospect of Dobcross and the surrounding hills. A short distance hence are the Husteads and Bankfield woollen mills, situated on a small swift-gliding stream, which soon after discharges itself into the river Tame. The little glen called Wauhill Clough, in which Husteads is situated, contains some picturesque little bits of scenery, which were much improved by the clear pellucid trout stream running down the glen before the establishment of bleaching and scouring works in the vicinity. There are no trout there now. The tourist may either proceed up this glen to Star Inn, or take the longer but more regularly travelled road by Wauhill, a village still noted for the purity of its water, as was evidently the case in former times, as J should judge

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by the name. The “upper classes” of Saddleworth society, in their zeal for promoting the civilization and enlighten- ment of our mountain barbarians, have been exerting themselves strenuously to teach “the art of speaking and writing the English language with impropriety,” but the unkempt barbarian will not be taught; the more his teachers faintly whisper Wallhill the more vociferously he shouts Wohill—and he is right! The gentry, I suppose, have overshot the mark in this instance, by considering “wo” as an equivalent to “wo,” the common expression for a wall, but this is an error; “wo” being derived from the Saxon word “wau,’’ a well, so that the so-called Wallhill is Wellhill, or, in the old Saxon, Wauhill, as it is at this day. From Wauhill we pass “the Manor House” on our left, and Upper House on our right hand, and then attain the elevation of High Moor, where we have another splendid prospect of the hills and dales of Saddleworth on one side, ' and the great populous town of Oldham on the other, the Blue Coat School and Parish Church at Oldham being distinctly visible. A detour from the Star Inn along the old Roman road to Hill Top and Knott Hill is well repaid by the extensive view which can thence be had of Friar Mere and the lovely and tortuous valley of the Tame. Almost the whole extent of Saddleworth, from east to west about eight miles, is spread out at our feet like a bird’s eye sketch, and is truly magnificent. Returning to the Star Inn we follow the road by Three Crowns and Doctor Lane School, until we arrive at the fast improving village of Austerlands, situated on the border line of Lancashire and Yorkshire. Descending the steep hill to the point where the Roman road crosses our path, we there pass the border, and step upon a horn of Lancashire which extends to Waterhead Mill, where a horn of Saddleworth protudes itself, and that in turn must be crossed to re-enter Lanca- shire. The boundaries at this point are very intricate. About half way down Austerlands Brow we turn to the left towards Hey and Lees, leaving Waterhead Mill (or Millbottom), which is mostly in Lancashire, in the valley behind. Lees is partly in the parish and borough of Oldham, partly in Ashton, and a small portion extends

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into Saddleworth. A chalybeate spring was discovered here some seventy years since, and acquired a considerable degree of celebrity, and Dr. Walker, of Huddersfield, analysed its contents, which consisted chiefly of sulphate of iron. It was much recommended in scrofula and scorbutic affections, but at last it lost its fame as quickly as it had been gained, and it is now unheard of. Some fine scenery may be found in Medlock and other vales in this busy neighbourhood. Most of the houses in Lees have been built during the present century ; in the reign of George I. there were only four dwellings. The Mayall family were residing here as far back as 1422. Sixty years ago some dwellings of the labourers or villeins of the ancient manor of Ashton were remaining in the locality of Lees, but they were, unfortunately, destroyed; otherwise we might have seen what kind of housing the commonalty had in “the good old times.” After crossing the railway above Lees, we enter the village of Springhead. Here are several genteel residences, and an Independent chapel and school house, lately erected in place of the former buildings, which were insufficient for the size of the place. In the graveyard is the last resting place of the Rev. John Buckley, one of the first promoters, and sometime minister of this chapel ; he died in 1836. The chapel, with which the school corre- sponds in style, is a neat cruciform structure, having lancet windows, and the southern gable surmounted by a pinnacled belfry, containing one bell. The interior of the building has a commodious gallery, and is throughout very handsome. Springhead is about two miles and a half from Dobcross, and is close to Grotton Station, on the Greenfield and Oldham branch railway. A short distance to the left, as we ascend towards Lydgate, is Walkers, and also the residence of Mr. Radcliffe, in a warm and secluded village called Stonebreaks, or formerly ‘“ Stonbrecks,” where the family have long dwelt. In the midst of some rich meadow land on our right, and a short distance from the road, stands an ancient village called Thornlee, on an old building in which are the initials, “ H.S. 1648.” A pleasantly-situated little cot, overgrown with ivy and climbing plants, may be visited by the side of the rippling stream in the clough

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below. Half way up the hill from Springhead are the few old houses constituting the hamlet of Grotton, and, ascend- ing the remainder of the hill, we reach Lydgate, a village situated on the Roman road from Dobcross to Mossley. “Lydgate, being situated on a high and cold elevation, enjoys one of the most extensive views in the parish. To the east is seen the bold and romantic cliffs and precipices of Greenfield, whose picturesque scenery is fully displayed . and meets our astonished eye, while the meandering Tame, in all its silvery mazes and strange wanderings through the capacious valley, discloses itself, pouring along its waters below the mountainous regions of Staley, and the frowning, ° mound-capped Bucton. To the west, a perfect contrast presents itself—a rich, flourishing, and fertile country far as the eye can see, enclosed in on the south-west by the Cambrian Hills, and on the direct point west by the blue ridge of Horwich ; on the north by the lofty Pendle and his lesser compeer, the nodding Tor. In the distance appears the long-stretched vapour ascending from the great and populous Manchester, the more distant and lighter coloured clouds of smoke that mark out Stockport, Bolton, &c., with Ashton and Oldham in the foreground full in our view.” In this vicinity is Grotton Hall, the Saddleworth residence of the late Edmund Buckley, Esq., M.P. Passing to the south, we arrive at Quick and Quickedge, from whence is a most delightful prospect of the valleys of the Tame and Greenfield, the cliffs of the latter being full in view, and bounding the scene in that direction. On the opposite side of the valley, facing where we stand, we see the long line of hills, Noon Sun, Warlow Pike, Bucton, Harridge Pike, ‘Hobson Moor, &c., extending far into Cheshire, and, if the air be clear, the summit of the Peak is distinctly visible. From Quickedge, the tourist, if he pleases, may descend to Roughtown, a large cotton manufacturing village, near to Roaches, and sufficiently described by its name. They have a new school at Roaches, which originated in a bazaar, the land upon which it stands, as well as a considerable portion of the cost of the building, being given by the late J. H. Whitehead, Esq., of South Syde. From Quick the pedestrian had better take the Uppermill road for about a

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mile, when he will come to Grove, a small hamlet situated on a gentle eminence, and embosomed in shades. Near to Grove, and on the declivity a little below Lydgate, is the pleasant village of Grasscroft, quiet, rural, and secluded ; ing situated between two highways, its means of com- munication are good, and yet it is so far removed from them that peace and contentment ought to be the lot of all. Amongst the surrounding trees stands Beech Hill, the elegant stone mansion of F. F. Whitehead, Esq. On the woody slope of Wharmton, at the junction of the roads from Oldham and Ashton, stands the hamlet of Shaw Hall. The old hall, which stood here from the time of Edward I. until a much later date, would probably be taken down to make room for its successor, but that too has nearly disappeared. On the right hand of the road, however (opposite the Farrar’s Arms), there is inserted in the gable of a barn a large flagstone, on which I have sometimes fancied I could trace armorial bearings, but the stone is so decayed that nothing satisfactory can be deducted from it. Shaw Hall was for many generations the residence and property of the family of De la Schaigh, Shay, or Shaw, which still flourishes in the neighbourhood. Owing to the situation of Shaw Hall being near to Greenfield Station, and the ex- tensive and charming prospect stretched out in front, it has of late years become important as the country residence of numerous manufacturers from the surrounding towns, who have either built or tenanted elegant houses here. Pursuing the same road we pass the lodge entrance to Wharmton Tower, close by the Shawhall tollbar and stone quarry, and continue our route to the bridge over the railway at Green- field Station, but, instead of returning by Uppermill, we ascend the lane on our left, which will lead us on to Lad- castle, a favourite point on Wharmton for viewing the surrounding scenery. From hence we have an extensive view of the best part of Saddleworth, but especially of Harropdale and Greenfield valleys, and the villages of ppermill and Dobcross, with their surrounding hills. In ppermill the houses can be easily picked out, the two chapels, Commercial Inn, Mechanics’ Hall, and, like a spot of fairy land out of place, the house and grounds called St.


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Chad’s. We must not omit to draw attention to the view of Brownhill, which is magnificent from this point, as it stands on its steep hill, and surrounded by flowery gardens and fruitful orchards. A tradition says that it was originally intended to erect; Saddleworth Church at Brownhill, in the field nearest the footpath, but, whatever material was deposited there for the purpose during the daytime was certain to be removed in the night to the place where the church now stands. In “ Roby’s Traditions of Lancashire” there is a similar story told in connection with Rochdale Church, and it is probable that similar traditions exist else- where. There are also two other traditions connected with Brownhill, one relating to the wanderings of a hare

Over moss, and over mountain, Through fence, and through fountain;

which hare is said to be a fairy in disguise, and, I may add, related to more than one family in Saddleworth, for our mountaineers have great faith in fairies and changelings. The other tradition relates to Old Annabell, a celebrated witch or boggart, who haunted an old barn which once stood on the site of the present dwelling. Whether the witch and the hare are the same, or whether it was either one or the other that removed Saddleworth Church, we will leave in the oblivion in which it is buried. Before any dwelling house was erected at Brownhill, this now pleasant elevation was nothing but unenclosed common land, on which cattle dealers, packhorse men, and others turned out their animals at night. Near the centre of this common stood an old, dilapidated shed or barn, in which the cattle would seek shelter in inclement seasons; and it was on such a night that acertain man—whom I could name— became introduced to Old Annabell. His father kept a large number of packhorses on the common, and on this occasion required them fetching home about midnight, to prepare for the journey to market. He dispatched his son (whom we will call John) on the unenviable errand. Joh crept quietly forward through the storm, until he approache near to the old barn; then he stopped, as he said, “to woip th’ swat off his face, for it wer runnin’ deawn loik a bruck,’

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and, as he stood and considered what plan would be best to take, his “ yure stood up o’th’ eend till it fear hove his hat off.” Then he collected a few small stones, and advanced cautiously towards the barn, but not a sound could be heard, and the darkness was so great that he could not tell whether the horses were in the barn or not. Pluck- ing up courage, he threw in one stone, which was quickly followed by another, but without any result, except fnghten- ing himeelf; then, seeing his skirmishing had failed, he let fly a whole volley of stones into the barn, determined, if possible, to drive the horses out, and the experiment exceeded his brightest expectation, for the whole place seemed alive with prancing steeds, whose expanded nostrils and blazing eyes thoroughly overpowered him as they rushed past. Jack was beginning to think the job well over, when suddenly there uprose before him Old Annabell herself, making the most infernal noises, and with horrid. impreca- tions; but what seemed to strike Jack most particularly were “two blazing een in her foryed, wot were as big as two tea-saucers.” Jack’s night adventure finished Old Annabell, for it was determined she must be got rid of, and eventually a way of laying her was found in the place where she is to remain as long as hollies grow green and water does not run up-hill—that is, underneath the hearth- stone of the kitchen at Brownhill. The man who related and was the hero of this tradition was at one time in the service of my own family, and he firmly, to his dying day, believed that he had, on the occasion named, seen old Annabell. Another unearthly character, called “‘ Cheetham i’th’ Chew,” seems to have been at one time famous, but his deeds have departed with him, and he is now forgot by many. Descending from Ladcastle, we pass a little above Mytham sawmill, where water mint grows plentifully, and then by Mow-walls, and under The Brow, the residence of Mr. John Hirst, jun., and so on to Tamewater, from whence we return up the hill to Dobcross.

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Ramble the SHorrth,

One impulse from a vernal wood Will teach thee more of man, Of moral evil and of good, Than all the sages can.

=m\GAIN descending from Dobcross to Tamewater, we take the new road, lately constructed, to Delph, which passes by the ruins of Tamewater Mill, destroyed by fire many years ago, and which looks pretty and picturesque, especially the remains of the staircase tower, when seen from a distance, or on a calm moonlight evening, when the dimness of the light hides the real character of the ruin; for we must confess there is not much of the romantic in a ruined mill, as a rule, but here the leaf-clad trees, nearly hiding the ruins in some positions, and the gentle murmuring of the adjoining stream, tempt one to linger for a little while. As we follow the road, we have above us on our left the ancient hamlets of Thurston Clough and Stones, and the house known as Stoneswood, a building in the Italian style of architecture, and the residence of Mr. Stott. It is completely hidden from view by the surrounding trees, and is situated on ‘the slope of Knott Hill, overlooking the picturesque woodland scenery in the valley of the Tame. Arrived at New Delph, we have the railway station on our left hand, and the eood substantial stone bridge over the river on our right, as well as several genteel houses, to which are generally attached ,a beautiful lawn, or they are graced with small plantations br

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beautiful patches of horticulture. Delph Lodge, the-residence of the late James Lees, Esq., J.P., and the mansion opposite, will merit universal admiration from their neatness and pleasant situation. The Bell Inn, of late years converted into a boarding school, will attract the stranger’s attention by its forlorn and desolate appearance. The Bell Inn has had its day, but, like many another good, comfortable road- side hostlery, its fortune departed with its coaches. At one time as many as four-and-twenty coaches called here eve day on their journeys between Manchester, Huddersfield, Halifax, &c., and those were the days when Delph flourished. Many an old traveller will remember his journeys between Manchester and Wakefield on cold, frosty days, and how he then welcomed the comforts of “‘ The Bell Inn and Saddle- worth Hotel.” About a mile north-east of New Delph lies the village and castle site of Castle Shaw. Between here and Delph is an old “ bakestone” quarry, which has been worked for upwards of three hundred years, and still supplies the district and surrounding towns and villages with the thin flat stones on which our oatcakes are baked. In 1543 it is thus mentioned in a deed of sale: “‘ And also all that stone uarry, with its appurtenances, called Blackstone Delf, in ddleworth aforesaid, belonging to Roche Abbey, and now or late was in the separate tenures or occupation of Henry Whytehead, Henry Gartside, William, Richard, and John Gartside.” Immediately contiguous to New Delph is Delph, or Old Delph, a populous village, built in the bottom of a valley, and almost hidden from view by surrounding hills, which” all combined, give it a very Swiss-like appearance. Passing along the Millgate, Delph Hill and a few houses on its declivity are on the opposite side of the stream, on our right; and on our left stands the Delph Co-operative Hall, with a shop on the ground floor and a large commodious assembly room above, which is let to the public for various purposes. Going along the principal thoroughfare, we arrive at another bridge over the Tame, close to which is the Wesleyan Chapel; on our left hand, also, is the lately erected “ Free Church ;” whilst at a little further on stands the new Independent Chapel, erected by Miss Buckley, of Holly Ville. On the top of the hill beyond Delph may be

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seen St. Thomas’s, or Heights Chapel, a conspicuous object for many miles round. From Delph to Junction the road runs along the side of a hilly ridge of land, commanding a pleasant view of the long, extended vale, sloping down in continued irriguous and vernal banks to the stream of the Tame, which flows along the whole extent of the valley. At about three-quarters of a mile from Delph we come to the respectable and pleasant hamlet of Linfitts or Linth- waites, but formerly called Swaynscroft, its present name having been derived from James and Robert Lynthwayte, who resided here in the reign of Henry VIII. The land in this neighbourhood is chiefly divided by neatly cut hedgerows, and small plantations, unlike most parts of Saddleworth, stone walls being generally used for fenc- ing purposes. A little further, on our right hand, stands New Tame, a small collection of houses principally tenanted by factory operatives; and on our left is the residence of Mr. R. Byrom, overlooking the flannel factory known as Slackcote Mills, and once famous in many an old “boggart tale.’ The valley in this neighbourhood is secluded and romantic. The prospect from hence includes the villages of Junction and Denshaw, the hamlets of Old and New Tame, together with several mills, cottages, and gentlemen’s residences, whilst the horizon is bounded by Badger Edge, Grains village, Bowstead Edge, and Booth- dean, in front; whilst in the rear the view is bounded by the high grounds about Heights Chapel, and the high, arid, and barren elevations of Millstone Edge and Standedge, the cloud-capped tops of which soar above the adjacent valleys. A little before entering Junction, we pass, on our right hand, a small, but neat schoolhouse, erected in 1824, by subscriptions promoted amongst the inhabitants of the surrounding country. The following Latin inscription is on the front :— Eruditio utilis moribus urbanis,”’ which may be freely translated, ‘“‘ Learning and courteous manners are advantageous.” Close to Junction, on our right hand, stands the village of Denshaw; but following the road b the end of the Junction Inn, we proceed to the Tup’s Head, a public house on the Boothdean road, and a few yards over the Saddleworth boundary, from whence we may obtain a

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splendid view of the country around Rochdale. From near this inn an old moorland path (public) will conduct us through the romantic ravine known as Radocyn Dean, or the “ Valley of Red Oaks,” in which is situated Peggy’s Well, a limpid fount, once famous throughout the mere, and still often visited by pleasure seekers and other ramblers in the summer season. On emerging from the valley we gain the Buckstones-roads, at Badger Slacks, a ruined hamlet; then, turning to the right, we pass the solitary hermitage at Wragstone on our right hand, and immediately after halt at Dorey Castle on our left. As seen from the road, this conical mound seems much loftier than when viewed from any other position, and the ascent to the top is by no means easy, nor when it is gained is there anything at all to repay the trouble of ascent, except there is pleasure in torturing one’s brains to find out why and how Dorcy Castle is where it is. The farm of Dorey, the property of Mr. Gartside, is situated on the hill between this place and Radocyn Dean. Following the road by Newyear’s Bridge and mill—where the water runs past the mill and then turns back to work it—we arrive at the compact old-fashioned village of Denshaw, where may be seen on an ancient cottage the initials and date “J.C. E., 1666,” which was the year in which the great fire in London occurred. The following tradition is connected with Denshaw :—“ Once upon a time, an old hermit, generally called Todmore of the den, dwelt in a cavern in this -vicinity—some say for two hundred years—but being disturbed in his solitude by the ringing of the bells at Saddleworth Church (bells then being new things in the neighbourhood) he sought out Moss, the Fairy Queen of Greenfield’s winding dells, and, espousing her, the twain, with several of their subjects, started in search of a new residence, and finally settled in the valley of Todmorden, from which circumstance it is supposed that place has derived its name.” The stream below Denshaw flows rapidly over flat shelving rocks, giving a romantic air and effect to the scenery around; but this will soon be destroyed after the commencement of the new Oldham Waterworks. At present, however, the botanist and the geologist may both collect good specimens of what will soon

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be hidden under water. Junction is so called from the meeting of the roads from Oldham, Rochdale, Halifax, Huddersfield, and Delph, at this point; or, as they are better known by the names of Grains-road, Cherry Clough, Boothdean-road, Buckstones-road, and “ th’ road to th’ Delph,” we will give them those names as well. On leaving Junction, we pass through the small ancient hamlet of Calf Hey, and then on our left a row of houses, denominated the barracks, from their having been used as such for a short time during some disturbances in connection with the Luddites. On our right hand, a little further on, stands Woodbrow, the residence of Mr. Gartside, the lineal descend- ant of an ancient family settled in Friar Mere at an early period; and still nearer to Grains we pass the villages of Old Tame and Banks. Grains is a desolate looking village, on the summit of the hill, partly in Oldham parish, and overlooking some of the smaller hills in South Lanca- shire. A road, between two and three miles in length, extends from here to Delph, and possesses one or two -peculiarities of its own. On my last visit to Grains by this road, I noticed, over a smithy door, a black sign, on which was painted in white letters the following inscription :—‘ Shrigley, surgeon, licensed vendor of medi- cines, bleeder and tooth-drawer, cattle medicines sold here.” I believe Shrigley is since dead, but his successor in the healing art may possibly continue the use of such an attractive signboard. ‘Lower down the road, at the bottom of a steep clough, is the public house called Cunning Corner, and between here and Delph, near a place called Beswicks, are two dreadful localities to visit—the one, a very steep declivity, taking its name from the entrance to the infernal regions, and the other from the bottom of the same place. On the hill above is the hamlet of Hill Top. On the lower side of the road, from Grains to Delph, there are many solitary houses perched on the brows of various projections from the main hill, and they look very picturesque and pretty, especially when seen from the valley below. On the dlectivity of Delph Hill, and just above a dangerous scar, near to Salterhebble, stands a neat Gothic building opened as a national school by a concert, held on

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October 6th, 1870. The building, though plain, is in every respect suited to the purpose it is intended to fulfil. The cost of erection has been defrayed by Miss and the Messrs. Buckley, of Linfitts House; and a friend of the vicar has presented the school with a harmonium. Behind Delph Hill is the Hull brook valley, in which are the remains of a Roman road, a cinder hill, and the several and dwellings of Dale, Causeyset, Sandbed, Old Hey, and Castle Hill, on the right of the stream; and on the left, descending, are Broadhead, Moorcroft, Wood Mill, Milleroft, and Grange, the last named, it is supposed, having been a temporary residence of some of the monks of Roche Abbey, at the time they collected the tithes of this part of Saddleworth. Leaving Delph, in front of the residence of the late James Lees, Esq., we ascend Gatehead Brow, from whence, and from the tollgate at the top, we have a splendid view of Knott Hill, Stones, Thurston’s Clough, and Wauhill, with the ruins of Tamewater Mill, surrounded by umbrageous trees in the valley below. From this tollbar a road up the hill leads to Lark Hill, Bleakhey Nook, and the Roman road over Standedge and Harropedge, which is very distinct from Dobcross to near Lark Hill—the distance it is now travelled—but it then enters a field, and, to a strange eye, would be unnoticed. Over the next fence, however, a deep ditch-like fissure points out the road, and extends for more than a mile through broken ground and fir plantations, until we come to the white house, ironically called “ Belle Vue,” which is built on the road. Passing round the house and grounds, there is some difficulty in tracing the con- tinuation of the road, as the ground is cultivated, but from Bleakhey Nook to Standedge it is very distinct. From Gatehead bar we return to Dobcross.

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Societies and Enstitutions.

eres HE origin and progress of benefit societies would 4 RB) prove an interesting study to those who have time and opportunity to follow it out; but, as I have neither, my readers must be content with very brief notes on the subject. Societies for the mutual pro- tection of their members seem to have existed as long ago as the time of the Anglo-Saxons, when “men of superior rank, but still not powerful enough to insure their individual safety from the oppression and injustice of the nobles, entered into confederacies with each other for mutual sup- port and protection.’’ By the laws of one of these societies, established in Cambridgeshire, the members mutually bound themselves to be faithful to each other; to bury any associate when he died ; to give information to the sheriff if any of them should be exposed to danger from a lawless attack; and if that officer neglected his duty, to levy a fine of one pound upon him. When any one of them should be murdered eight pounds was to be exacted from the assassin, who, if he refused to pay it, was to be prosecuted at the joint expense of the society. If any of the members who was a poor man killed another, the society were to contribute, in a certain proportion to pay his fine: ‘‘ A mark a piece if the fine be seven hundred shillings ; less if the person killed be a clown or churl; and the half of that sum again if he be a Welshman. But where any of the associates kills a man wilfully, and without provocation, he must himself pay

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the fine. If any of the associates kills any of his fellows in a like criminal manner, besides paying the usual fine to the relations of the deceased, he must pay eight pounds to the society, or renounce the benefit of it; in which case they bind themselves, under the penalty of one pound, never to eat or drink with him, except in the presence of the king, bishop, or alderman.” There were other regulations to protect themselves and their servants from all injuries, to revenge such as were committed, and to prevent their giving abusive language to each other. The fine which they engaged to pay for this last offence was a measure of honey. The reader who is acquainted with the subject will doubtless agree with me that these Anglo-Saxon societies or “‘ guilds” were the parents of our present system of benefit societies. If a comparison be made between the laws of our “‘ secret orders ” and those from which I have given extracts, it will be easy to recognise the same principle in both, viz. :— Mutual assistance, brotherly love, provision in case of death, and the prevention of dissension amongst all members of the association. These are the grand secrets of all benefit societies, and be a man an Odd-Fellow, a Forester, or a Druid, his whole duty consists in doing unto others as he would have them do unto him. Brotherly love is the grand doctrine of our secret orders, but it ought to teach us not only to love one another bound in the same bonds as our- selves, but to extend that Christian charity to the whole human brotherhood; to visit and relieve the widow and fatherless in their affliction, and “to do justice, love mercy, and walk humbly with our God.” The following benefit societies have been long established, and are all in a prosperous condition :— The Order of Druids is the society resulting from the amalgamation of the two orders, the Ancient and Modern Druids. Some of its members in this locality, though unconscious of it, are real descendants of the Ancient Druids, whose precepts this order professes to teach, and whose rites and ceremonies they perpetuate monthly at the following places:—Red Lion Inn, Austerlands; Three Crowns, High Moor; Pack Horse (two lodges), Delph; Junction Inn, Junction; Horse and Jockey, Bleakhey

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Nook; The Hotel, Uppermill ; Dog and Partridge, Spring- head; White Hart, Lydgate; Nudger Inn, Dobcross; King William IV., Roadend; Royal Oak, Heights ; Original House, High Moor; Marquis of Granby, Upper- mill; Diggle Hotel, Diggle. This order occupies the second position in Saddleworth as regards numbers, they having about 1,100 members enrolled on their books. Some of the lodges belonged formerly to the ancient order, the rest to the modern order, but since their amalgamation there requires no distinction. Of Foresters we have an “ ancient” order and a “ royal ” order, the latter having separated from the parent society some years ago, at Knaresborough, the cause of the differ- ence being a proposed alteration in the entrance fee, and the adoption of a graduated scale of fees according toage. The Ancient Order of Foresters meet monthly, at the following “courts,” which constitute the Saddleworth district :— Devonshire Arms, Lees ; Shepherd’s Call, Waterhead Mill ; White Hart Inn, Lydgate; Angel Inn, Lees; Star Inn, High Moor. The number of members enrolled in the district is about 200. The Royal Order of Foresters, the great: opponents of the Odd-Fellows in Saddleworth, are not very numerous, but have accumulated a considerable amount of money. Their number of members is now approaching seven hundred, who meet on Saturdays next the new moon, at their “ courts,” at the Packhorse Inn, Delph ; Cotton Tree, Riding ; Marquis of Granby, Uppermill; Navigation Inn, Woolroad. The Foresters pretend to trace their origin to Robin Hood and Little John, but like the rest of our benefit societies, their order is only of modern formation, as it now exists, though they have adopted the costume of the Saxons, as do the Odd-Fellows that of the Romans, the Druids that of the Druids, and the Freemasons, to a certain extent, that of the Israelites. ‘The scarlet and green dress of the Forester is the Saxon herdsman’s tunic; the scarlet or purple cloak of the Odd-Fellows, N.G. or P.G. is the toga of the ancient Romans; the white-shirt-looking robes of the Druids are (too short) representatives of the mantles of the grand Archdruids of old; and “ the blue, and purple, and scarlet,

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and gold” of the Freemasons remind us of Hiram, King of Tyre, and the gorgeous temple of Solomon. The Freemasons are not very numerous in Saddleworth. They formerly, for many years, held a lodge at the Swan Inn, Dobcross, but it was some years since removed to the Commercial Inn, Uppermill, where it is still held. The Gardeners have only one lodge in Saddleworth, which is held at the Swan Inn, Dobcross. There is also a lodge of the Gardener women held at the same -house. The number of Gardeners is very small. The Independent Order of Odd-Fellows (M.U.) is well established in this district, as indeed it is throughout the country. In Saddleworth they meet every fourth Saturday, to relieve the sick and distressed of their members, at the following lodge houses :—Commercial Inn, Uppermill ; Hare and Hounds, Uppermill; Swan Inn, Delph; Bull’s Head, Delph ; Printer’s Arms, Calf Hey; ; N udger Inn, Dobeross ; ing William IV., Roadend; Gate Inn, Weakey ; Railway Hotel, Greenfield Station. On November 2nd, 1865, the jubilee of Odd-Fellowship in Saddleworth was held at the Friendship Lodge, Commercial Inn, Uppermill, and celebrated by peals on the church bells, and a procession of 305 members, with a new banner, value "£22, A sermon was preached at the parish church, from 1 Timothy, v chap., and 8 verse; after which a meeting was held in the Mechanics’ Hall, presided over by John Platt, Hsq., M.P. for Oldham, and addressed by several prominent members of the order. The Friendship Lodge, a branch from Lees, was established here in 1815, and now has nearly 300 members, worth about £10 each. The Saddle- worth district contains more than 1,200 members, and in 10 years has paid £2,310 in funeral money alone. The annual payment for the relief of sickness has been £540, and for funerals £309; total, £849. If it could be done, either by a large meeting of delegates, or by applying to each member separately, that an amalgamation of all benefit societies should take place, it would prove of incalculable benefit to the world at large. If 400,000 Odd-Fellows have already proved themselves useful ‘and provident members of society, how much more would he

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the benefit if to these thousands were added the thousands of Foresters, Druids, &c., under one common name, with one set of signs, and one system of passwords. Then would they be more productive of good results by further extending the great truths of Christianity, and teaching nations practically that “one touch of nature makes the whole world kin.” The Orangemen, or “ Loyal Protestant Confederation” as they now style themselves, are very few in number—- some five or six—and meet at the Woolpack Inn, Dobcross. They are worth £9 or more per member. Besides being a benefit society, they all hold Conservative opinions, and support “ our glorious constitution in church and state.” he Ancient Order of Shepherds are very numerous in the district lying: around Ashton-under-Lyne and Staly- bridge. In Saddleworth they hold monthly meetings at Uppermill, at the Church Inn, near Saddleworth Church, and at the Woolpack Inn, Dobcross ; but their total number of members in these three lodges, or “ tents,” is not much more than 150. ’ The old sick clubs, from which most of the forenamed orders have sprung, are rather numerous in this district, but the number of members will not exceed 800, including the children’s clubs, established for providing decent funerals and reliefin sickness. Besides these secret orders and sick clubs, there are several female clubs connected with the QOdd-Fellows, Druids, Foresters, &c., in which several hundred females lay up their spare money against the time when sickness or death must inevitably visit,them. We now turn to the educational institutions of Saddle- worth, the first of which—by the law of primogeniture—are _ the Young Men’s Improvement Societies, held in various parts of the parish. They possess libraries and reading rooms, to which the members can resort to spend their evenings; and lectures, on various subjects, either scientific or historical, are occasionally delivered, and sometimes varied by an amateur dramatic performance. One or two of these societies have been converted into Mechanics’ Institu- tions. Of the Mechanics’ Institutions the first was estab- lished in 1841, at Uppermill, but for some years it was very

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unsuccessful, until, in 1853, it was resolved to try the effect of an exhibition, and this proved so successful that not only was the old debt cleared off, but a balance of £300 remained in the treasurer’s hands. For a time after this first attempt village exhibitions became ‘‘the rage,” and even Oldham and other towns copied the example. Perhaps it is not _generally known in Saddleworth that Mrs. Gaskell visited the Uppermill exhibition, and afterwards published her

- . description of it in Household Words. About 1857, Samuel

Lord, Esq., of New York, presented the sum of £500, and an annual gift of £25 to this institution. Subscriptions were then made to raise £1,600 for the erection of a new hall. On the 12th June, 1858, a miserably dark and wet day, the foundation stone of this hall was laid by Dr. Fearnley, of Dewsbury, chaplain to the Freemasons. A large procession of contractors, workpeople, several committees, members of the institution, scholars, ministers and magis- trates, five bands of music, Freemasons, Odd-Fellows, Foresters, Druids, Shepherds, Rechabites, and _ several thousand inhabitants assembled in the square, and walked through Woolroad, Dobcross, and Frenches. The opening of the new institution took place on the 17th of June, 1859, when a soiree was held under the presidency of the Kar] of Carlisle. The building is 81ft. long, 45ft. wide, and 40ft. high ; and comprises a library 15ft. square, reading room 15ft. by 18, newsroom 15ft. by 22, large classroom 40ft. by 35, two small classrooms 18ft. by 15ft. each; warden’s room and bedrooms, two anterooms, and large lecture hall, 76ft. by 40, and 27ft. high, which will comfortably hold 1,000 people. It is heated with hot water. The building covers seven hundred and thirty-three yards of land, which © is rented from George Shaiv, Esq., at the nominal rent of fifteen shillings and threepence per annum. The hall is a lofty and spacious room, having at the end nearest the entrance a large gallery, and decorated window filled with tracery. At the other end is the orchestra, which, with its carved open scroll-work, moulded hand-rails and carved pannels, and the handsomely-carved Gothic oak chair, looks very handsome. The stained window above, and the flags, armorial bearings, and other ornaments remind us of the

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baronial halls of our ancestors. There are busts of Byron, Wellington, Milton, Shakspere, Sir Robert Peel, and Sir Walter Scott placed on brackets between the windows. During the past few years things have not got on very pleasantly with this institution, and some members, thinking they saw the erroneous principle on which it was being conducted, and the result which must inevitably follow, joined themselves with the Dobcross Young Men’s Improve- ment Society to form the now thriving institute of that village, which was commenced in 1859, and is now held in the old bank at Dobcross. It has been proposed to build a hall for the jomt use of this institution and the one at Delph, which has about 150 members and 400 books. The education of the poor is provided for by Sunday schools in connection with the various places of worship, but they fall far short of what is required. The other societies and institutions of Saddleworth are— the Choral Society, meeting at Delph ; a Botanical Society, held at various places on Sundays; and the Saddleworth and and Marsden Prosecution Society, established in 1831, which holds its meetings at the Swan Inn, Dobcross. Since the foundation of the foregoing societies, the volunteer corps has started into existence. In the early part of the present century Saddleworth was noted for its volunteers, most of whom—400 in number—were very tall men, well disciplined, and accustomed to long marches. In 1860, a revival of the movement took place, and, aided by a few of the old volunteers, the first company of the 34th West York Rifle Volunteers “stepped into the shoes” of the former corps, the ‘“ Upper Agbrig declaring themselves ready, if need be, to fight and die for “ God and Fatherland.” The uniform consists of a dark grey tunic, with scarlet facings, and shako to match. The belts were presented to the first formed companies by the then captain, James Bradbury, of Huddersfield. Round the clasps is the motto of the corps, “God and Fatherland.” The first commanding officer was Captain Whitehead, of Royal George Mills, who was succeeded by Captain, afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel Bradbury, who died on the Sth of March, 1871, Let us hope that if ever the 34th are called

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into action they will strike hard and sure for our own hills and dales, and show the usual British pluck if the tocsin of war is sounded on our shores. On the 28th September the first prize shooting took place at Diggle. The first prize, a rifle, was won by Joseph Travis, of Uppermill ; and on the 5th of October following a banquet was held, at which a presentation was made to Mr. W. T. Brook, their secretary. 1862 the volunteers were inspected by Lientenant-Colonel Harman, and attended Doncaster review. On August 9th, in the same year, they were defeated on their own ground by the Oldham corps (31st L.R.V.), the scores being— Oldham 327, Saddleworth 292; Oldham thus winning by 35 points. But this was reversed on the 18th October, at Chadderton, in a return match, when Saddleworth made 350 points against Oldham’s 301; giving a majority of 49 points in favour of Saddleworth. May 28, 1864, the ladies of Saddleworth presented a silver bugle to the rifle corps, which was accepted on their behalf by Major Bradbury, from the hands of Mrs, James Lees, of Delph Lodge. On November 16th, the corps was reviewed by the Earl of Dartmouth, at Slaithwaite, a company of the 34th (“ Lady Dartmouth’s Own”) having been formed there, as well as another at Marsden, hence the name of the corps has been changed to “The Saddleworth and Colne Valley Rifle . Volunteers,’ which has now a numerical strength of over 600, divided into eight companies, viz. :—Woolroad (head- uarters), Delph, Lydgate, Slaithwaite, Marsden, Golcar, oodsome, and Kirkburton. On August 11th, 1866, about 850 of the corps attended the great review at York, when 20,000 northern volunteers were reviewed by H.R.H. the Duke of Cambridge, in the presence of their Royal High- nesses the Prince and Princess of Wales. A bazaar in aid of the funds of the 34th was held on September 6th, 7th, and 8th, 1866, in the Mechanics’ Hall, Uppermill, under the patronage of the Earl and Countess of Dartmouth, the Earl and Countess Fitzwilliam, &c. This bazaar realised £1,400. In.1869, a long-considered project—the formation of an encampment—was put into practice on the grounds of Woodsome Hall, the residence of Captain and Adjutant the Hon. C. G. Legge, and it passed off so successfully that the


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experiment was repeated in the past year, at Whitsuntide. From the 4th to the 12th of June, 1870, Colonel Bradbury had a military camp of 540 men of the 34th W.Y.R.Y. under his command at Woodsome. The grounds around Woodsome Hall, the ancient seat of the Kaye family, but now the property of Lord Dartmouth, are very picturesquely situated, well wooded, sheltered from the winds, and in every respect admirably adapted for the purpose. Some dissatisfac- tion however, was manifested in Saddleworth that the camp should be so remote from headquarters, and what may be termed the birthplace of the 34th West Riding Volunteers. At Whitsuntide (1871), therefore, an eight-days’ encamp- ment at Pickill, near Uppermill, took place, under the command of Major Collins, of Marsden, the successor of the late Lieut.-Colonel Bradbury.




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Druidical Remains.

history of our island previous to the Roman Ron dee invasion is, owing to the barbarity of those times, wl wrapt in impenetrable obscurity; for the ancient Britons having no written language, we have only tradition from which to collect what little we know of their manners and customs, unless we credit the doubtful accounts given us by Cesar, Tacitus, and other Roman writers. Doubtful they are, because from themselves we find that, when the Romans repulsed the British army, the Drnids, followed by the retreating Britons, retired into the depths of the forests and to valleys impenetrable to the Roman troops, where they could celebrate their rites and carry out the tenets of their religion without being observed. Czsar’s descriptions apply to the Druids of Gaul, not to those of Britain. The leader who first brought over a population for this island was Hu Cadarn (the powerful), who was succeeded in time by Prydain, son of Cid the Great, from whom the name Britain is derived. Before that it was called Albion. Saddleworth, like the rest of England at this early period, would be a dark and gloomy forest, its valleys forming almost impenetrable retreats for the wolf, the boar, and other wild animals then existing in this country. Oft, indeed, have the British hunters rested in these vales, and worshipped on these hills, after the toilsome chase or sanguinary combat with neighbouring tribes; and

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they have not departed without leaving mementoes of their sojourn here, the principal of which is Pots and Pans rock, one of many found upon the summit of the hill to the south of Saddleworth Church; the whole cluster together, when viewed from some positions, looking like the last remains of some vast structure poised on a pinnacle by more than mortal hands. From the fact that the early Israelites sacrificed on rock altars, we may conclude that the Druids followed the same custom, and that Pots and Pans rock was one of these altars used “for sacrifice, for libations, for offering the fruits of the earth, for divinations,” &c. Borlase, the great historian of Cornwall, says the rock basins are generally found on the highest hills and most conspicuous cairns ; some are found in thin flat stones (as on Shooters’ Knab, in Marsden), but they are oftener worked into more substantial rocks.” He does not think them adapted for altars of sacrifice, but considers their use to have been only for the pagan superstitions of purification by water. The purest of all water is rain or snow, and of this the ancients were not ignorant, and it seems likely that the Druids caused these basins to be made to obtain the water pure, and preserve it from pollution by animals, except that in the thin, flat rock basins, which was devoted to the healing of cattle. Besides the basins already mentioned, there is a long uneven hole on Pots and Pans rock, which Borlase supposes was made to receive the bodies of diseased persons, in order that the god of the rock might heal them. In confirmation of this opinion, I have often heard it said that the water in the basins on Pots and Pans rock “ will cure sore eyes,’ which superstition has in all probability been trans- mitted to us from the Drnuidical period. Butterworth mentions a stone called Pancake, and on which, he says, was the “long, uneven hole” just mentioned, but he has evidently confounded the two stones. At the time the canal locks were being made, Pots and Pans narrowly escaped destruction, and Pancake was destroyed, together with the Giant’s Stone—so called from having the impress of a gigantic hand upon it— and a “rock idol” (?), thus described by Butterworth and others who had seen it :—“ A little west (?) of Pancake (Pots and Pans he means), is a stone about twenty feet in height,

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but much narrower at the top (than bottom (?), from whence proceed irregular flutings down one side of about two feet in length, by some supposed to be the effect of time, and by others the workmanship of art. This stone is supposed to have been the ‘rock idol worshipped by the Druids’ after the corruption of their primeval religion, and it is that the hill of Alderman extended hereto, and derived its name from this idol, for the word alderman, I suppose not to be its original name, but to have afterwards been given to it by the Saxons, signifying, in their language, the old man, from a rock idol once worshipped here by the ancient Britons, the name of which was unknown to the Saxons, as it is to us now living. Upon the whole, I should conclude that a rude stone pillar was once worshipped here, and that the rock called Pancake (Pots and Pans) was the altar, and the stones now lying confusedly dispersed about composed, though of rude materials, a heathen temple, which temple, upon the introduction of Christianity, was destroyed ; nay, is to this day wasting more and more.” I have often blamed Butterworth for the many mistakes to be found in his account of Pots and Pans, and the Druidical remains on Alderman, but I have done him an injustice, for on further reference I find that he has copied his account from Bottomley’s ‘“ Historical Sketch of Saddleworth,’ and Bottomley copied from an essay in the “ Memoirs of the Literary and Philosophical Society of Manchester,” by Mr. Thomas Barritt, who therefore is the responsible party for the mistakes. A few remarks on the name Alderman may help to solve its meaning. I would derive the word from alter and moen (ancient British, stones), signifying “ the altar-stone,” and applied to Pots and Pans rock. The name of the idol, if such it was, he supposes unknown, but I would suggest Bel, Belus, Beal, or Baal, as it is well known that the eastern nations worshipped the sun under this name at the time of the Druids; and again, there are certain names and customs in Britain which, in my opinion, support my supposition. Among these I may mention Bel-field, Beal- moor, Beal-hey, and the river Biel, all in the neighbourhood of Rochdale. Then in Saddleworth we have Bo-greave, which may be (and probably is) corrupted from Boal or

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Baal-grove, i.e., the grove of trees where the Druids were wont to worship on certain occasions. Several instances of the groves, &c., sacred to Baal, occur in Scripture, but neither space nor inclination will allow us at present to enter into a comparison between Druidism and the patriar- chal religion of two were essentially one and the same. ‘T'he beltane fires of Ireland, and the Manx Laa Boaldyn are evidently relics of Druidical sun-worship.. Pliny, speaking of the Druids, says:—“ The first day of May was a great annual festival in honour of Belinus, or the sun. On the evening of this day prodigious fires were kindled in all their sacred places, and on the tops of all their hills and cairns, and many sacrifices offered to that glorious luminary, which now began to shine upon them with great warmth and lustre.” In the Gaelic this day is still called Beltein (i.e., the fire of Bel), from the Druidical observance. In Manx Boal is a broad guttural corruption of Bel, and “dyn” is a Scandinavian spelling of “ tein”; hence the Manx words Laa Boaldyn mean the day of Bel’s fire, “laa” being the Manx for “day.” The Manx, to this day, keep up the custom of lighting the fire of Bel on the mountain tops on the evening preceding May Day, but they are ignorant of its origin, yet consider it a propitiatory sacrifice to some ruling power. On the hill of Alderman, but nearer to Greenfield than is Pots and Pans, is a long fissure in the earth, about 14 yards in length, each end of which terminates in a,cavernous hole in the rock. Tradition says that into one of these holes A fox and dog, once on a Whitsun morn Entered in chase, but never to return. Besides the rocks already named, there are several others connected with Druidism, and lying somewhat nearer to the Church Moors than the stone quarries. “ About half-a- mile north of Pancake,” says Bottomley, ‘“ are several large stones piled upon each other, upon the highest of which is a hollow or basin; these are called Stapeley Stones. What the word Stapeley may signify is uncertain; it may come from the Belgic word ‘ stapel,’ a settled market. Perhaps in this place necessary articles were sold to the Druids and others who came to worship; the vendors not being

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permitted to approach any nearer to the sacred ground.” As grouped together Stapeley Stones are not unlike a rude inner temple or circle; not set up OY man but perhaps opened out and shaped circular wise. In the same locality are “T’hung Stones,” two or three rocks placed on end with a kind of rough lintel extending from one to another of them. Near here was found a stone celt or battle axe, described by the Rev. John Whitaker. On the edge of Ravenstone precipice, in Greenfield, there formerly stood a large rocking stone (by the rocking of which the Druids tried their criminals for minor offences), but this stone was ruthlessly destroyed by the miners engaged in excavating the Standedge canal tunnel. These worse than Celtic barbarians assembled on this spot, and blew this time- honoured memorial into countless fragments, one of which, however, struck one of the men and killed him on the spot. To search for farther Druidical remains in Saddleworth we must visit Castle Shaw, which, though now a quiet village falling to decay, appears to have been an important place in the Celtic and Celto-Roman periods, on account of the fort erected there. Here have been found several round beads or “ snakestones,” of the Druids. They are of earth or paste perforated, ribbed or fluted on the outside, and coloured bluish-green. Here, too, was found a brazen or bronze celt or axe-head, hollow in the blade, and having a loop at the head. The remains of a wood handle, apparently yew, were found inserted in the cavity of the blade. The termination of the moulding, three-quarters-of-an-inch from the end, proves that part to have-been inserted firmly into the handle, and at a right angle to the blade. This united firmly the head and handle of the battle axe, and the union was strengthened by a pin im the socket, which did not pass through the substance of it, but was received into a small orifice upon one side, and, as seems from the size of the hollow within, was there secured by an infusion of melted metal, and the whole appears, from the loop at the top, to have been slung across the shoulders or suspended by the side with a leather thong. On the moor edge, near to Castle Shaw, but on the Buckstones road, stands Dorey Castle, a pyramidal mound of earth of uncertain origin.

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Its circumference at the base is about 240 feet, and its height about 40 feet. From the similarity of the soil to that of the surrounding moors some antiquaries consider it to be a natural formation, whilst others think it was erected for a beacon. I think that local tradition is the only clue we have to its origin. It is said that chests of gold and other treasure are buried deep underneath this mound, and that on Haster Sunday morning every year bells may be heard ringing below. Of the ringing, of course, I take no notice, but it is probable that the “treasures” are the bronze instruments of some ancient British chief who was here interred, and had this tumulus or barrow (for such I consider it) erected over him by the people of his tribe, for we well know such was the custom of the time, as witness the barrow at Abury, in Wiltshire, and many others, which on being opened have been found to contain human and other remains, as well as implements of war and the chase. Some one appears to have commenced an explora- tion of Dorey Castle, but in an unscientific manner, and eventually gave up the attempt. Those interested in Druidical remains may refer with advantage to Borlase’s “ Antiquities of Cornwall,” Dr. Stukeley's “‘ Stonehenge and Abury,” Bateman’s “ Druidical Remains of Derbyshire,” and an excellent little work, entitled “The Patriarchal Religion of Ancient Britain,” by Dr. David James.

Page 145

Roman Remains.

years before Christianity dawned upon uy) the world the white cliffs of Albion were covered with wondering crowds of native Britons, who had assembled to witness the approach of foreign foes, and bid defiance to the bravery of the troops who were enrolled under the eagle standard of Rome. The Gauls, the Helvetians, the Acquitanians, and the Belge had previously succumbed to the power of Cesar, and he, having heard of the wealth of Britain, now compelled these enslaved nations to furnish him with troops to aid his own in making further conquests. Hight hundred vessels brought over from France (Gaul) five legions of soldiers and two thousand horsemen. For more than a century the struggle for British indepen- dence continued, and eventually the defeated Britons had to retreat to the mountain fastnesses of Wales, and the hilly districts of England. About 79 years after the birth of Christ, or 129 after the first invasion, the Romans had penetrated as far north as Saddleworth, and constructed roads for the transmission of their troops farther north, and for the defence of the Roman subjects, and to check the Britons from committing depredation on the great Roman way. The great Roman road from the south, by way of Knutsford and Manchester, along Deansgate (Dane’s gate), passed by way of Failsworth, Glodwick, Austerlands, Doctor Lane, Knott Hill Lane, Delph, and Castle Shaw, over the Standedge to Slack. This last place (which is in Longwood, near Huddersfield), after much controversy

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on the subject, seems to be satisfactorily identified as the Campodunum of the Itineraries. In 1865-6 the members of the Huddersfield Archeological and Topographical Associa- tion (now the Yorkshire Archeological and Topographical Association) made some extremely interesting excavations at Slack, when they found 17 Roman coins, two of silver and the rest of bronze, an interesting description of which is given in the Yorkshire Archeological and Topographical Journal, part I., 1869. The writer of the paper says, In conclusion, “ The story of these coins extends from the year 71 to the year 114 a.D., and it may be remarked that, inasmuch as no coins have yet been found of later date than Trajan, those above described are such as would be in use among the soldiers of Hadrian, Trajan’s successor, and it may be inferred, with some show of reason, that we have in them a trace of the occupation of the station at Slack by the troops who came to Britain with Hadrian.” Another paper in the same number, by Mr. F. Barber, the Honorary Secretary to the Association, “On the Roman Station at Slack,” which details the discovery of a Roman sepulchre in 1866, and a hypocaust, showing the elaborate arrangements the Romans made in heating their baths with hot air. Another Roman road in Saddleworth commenced a little above Castle Shaw, from the Roman road already referred to, and proceeded by way of Diggle, with the two cinder heaps on each hand, then by way of Leecross, Running Hill, Saddleworth Church, Priest Clough, Cross, to Ladhill, where it crossed the river and forward, leaving Bucton Castle on the hill above, by way of Carrbrook, Annfield, Mounsley Castle, through the Woodlands to Brough. The Roman Road did not go so high as Bucton Castle, and in fact the Romans had no need for Bucton Castle in any way. It could be of no service to them, and its form and situation preclude the idea that it was ever one of their strong places. . Tn all probability it was built at a far remoter date against the Hill Tribes, and that in the time of the Romans it was hastening to decay. The third Roman road through Saddleworth extended from Standedge over Harrop Edge, down “the fold” at Dobcross, over Mount Sorrel and Burnedge, then by Lydgate, ' I

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Quick Edge, and Mossley, to Stalybridge and Cheshire. On the top of Standedge these three roads unite, and, passing below March Hague Reservoir, cross the clough below Buckstones, and, ascending the hill, is continued through Slack and Tadcaster to York. Another Roman remain in Saddleworth is the site of the fort and two plinths of the gateway of Castle Shaw, which is supposed to have been both a British and Roman station. One of the local directories, a few years back, stated it to have been a fort- ress of “the provincial barons,” but possibly the writer meant “ primitive Britons,” as there never were any resident barons, the Stapletons themselves having been non-resident. With regard to its British occupation, the Rev. John Whitaker says:—‘‘ The region of Saddleworth, indeed, now belongs to Yorkshire, but it has evidently been dis- membered from Lancashire, being even now a chapelry in one of our Lancashire parishes, and the greater of this double range of hills naturally forming the barrier betwixt the Sistuntii and the Brigantes ;” and in another place he imagines ‘ Castle Shaw to have been one of a chain of forts erected by the Sistuntii to prevent the incursions of the Brigantes.” In the Antiquarian Transactions, Watson endeavours to fix the Alunna of Ravennas at Castle Shaw, ‘principally because it occurs in that chorography near to the Mancunium (Manchester) of Antonine ; when both Antonine and Richard confessedly go over the ground on which Castle Shaw stands without the least mention of Alunna; when the very name (“on the river’) implies a situation the reverse of Castle Shaw, which is some considerable distance from a river. Castle Shaw was probably only a small halting place of the Romans, and was surrounded by a foss and rampart, enclosing three-quarters of an acre of land, being thus much smaller than the British fort. The Rev. Mr. Watson, formerly rector of Stockport, again says :—“ Castle Shaw, in Saddleworth, was, doubtless, the first day’s march of the Romans from Manchester, and Slack the second ; detachments from this corps might be left at this and other stations on the line of march, to keep the country in awe, and to prevent the communication from the southern parts of England with the troops at the wall of Severus being cut

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off or disturbed ; they also did well to keep possession of these castra pro unius diet itinere, or camps for one day’s march, that they might, as soldiers on their motions, be sure of convenient lodging and other necessaries every night. And I am of opinion that these kind of garrisons seldom consisted of more than a centurion’s command ; both because the votive altars found in such are generally subscribed with the names and titles of these officers, and no other, and because this number of men seems quite sufficient for the purposes above mentioned, for in case of an attack they could give notice to the neighbouring . garrisons by means of beacons, &c., and they were sure of immediate assistance. The general size of them show that they were not intended for any greater number of troops, for the most part of them which I have seen do not exceed 120 or 130 yards square, some not much more than 100.” Although J have quoted at length from Watson, yet I do not altogether agree with him on some points. He thinks Castle Shaw, for instance, one day’s march from Manchester, but when we consider the excellent roads of the Romans, and that the troops were marching northward, intending to conquer Caledonia, it seems to me improbable that they would march no more than twelve or thirteen miles a day. If it occupied a day to march this distance, what reason is there, in Watson’s supposition that, in case of an attack, the soldiers would have “ immediate assistance” from neighbouring garrisons, seeing there was not another fort within twelve miles on each side of Castle Shaw, on this line of road, and even those that did exist—Manchester and Slack—could not see a beacon light at Castle Shaw, as it stands under the shelter of Standedge, on one side, and Highmoor, on the other; two hills of equal height? Had the Britons wished to cut off the communication of the Romans, they might have done so between Manchester and this place, or between here and Slack; or even with only a centurion’s corps at Castle Shaw, it would have been no difficult matter, with a strong band of brave Britons, to have taken possession of the fortification. Butterworth, in his history of Saddleworth, describes an altar “ which was

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discovered on Castle Hill,” in Saddleworth, according to his work ; but in the history of Manchester, by Whitaker, we read of an altar found at Castle Hill, in Almondbury, described in the very same words, so I suppose Butterworth has misunderstood the Rev. John Whitaker, and uninten- tionally stated the altar to have been discovered in Saddle- worth; but, if ever there did exist such an altar at Castle Shaw, it has long since been forgotten. At page 25, Butterworth says :—‘‘ A Roman altar has been discovered on the site of Castle Hill; it is of a square form, with many plain ornaments, and an inscription in front, which, at full length, runs thus :— ‘ FORTUNE SACRUM CAIUS ANTONIUS MODESTUS CENTURIO LEGIONIS SEXTZ VICTRICIS PLE FIDELIS VOTUM SOLVIT LUBENS MERITO, which in English will read thus :—“ Caius Antonius Modestus, centurion of the sixth victorious, pious, and faithful legion, consecrated this altar to Fortune, and with pleasure discharged the vow which he owed.” The centurion who commanded at Slack when the above altar was erected was one Caius Antonius Modestus, and I appre- hend, from the shape of the letters, and the triangular form of the punctuation, that it was set up soon after this place was garrisoned by a party of the sixth legion, which I take to be immediately after the arrival of Hadrian, in the year of Christ, 120, or thereabouts. The Rev. Mr. Whitaker says :—‘ Thus plainly are the remains evinced to be Roman, and thus clearly have we found what industry has vainly toiled for, and genius has ineffectually striven to discover through the long extent of a century and a half the real site of Campodunum, and the Roman road to Manchester. It appears from the elevation of the grounds, Husteads and Castle Hill, that the extent of Castle Shaw occupied several acres in compass. According to Atkin (“Forty Miles Round Manchester’), the length was 120 yards, and the breadth 110. From his plan the gateway appears to have been on the south side, whilst the northern side was defended by a ditch, with a strong rampart on each side,


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Although the ditch has long been filled up, yet, the soil having settled, it is easy to discern, by the long hollow, how far the ditch originally extended, and with a little care the foundations of the building may be traced. If the visitor will stroll-so far when there are no crops on the ground he will be in no danger of having to appear before the worthy bench at Uppermill, but he will find the occupier of the land, when historical research is the motive for the visit, willing to give any assistance or explain doubtful points. In the fields near Castle Shaw, and on the site of the castle, may still be seen one of the plinths of the gateway, and another, removed hence, is now by the lane side leading from this place to Blackhey Nook, it having been there placed by the inhabitants of Higher Castle Shaw, who were determined to have a share of the “ ruins” as well as their neighbours of Lower Castle Shaw. Opposite the village school is a small, uneven field, which is locally called “ the burying ground,” and where, it is supposed, the Roman soldiers were buried, but I do not think any exploration has been made to prove the truth or falsity of this supposition. The name Castle Shaw signifies a castle in a little wood. The remarkable cinder heaps referred to as situated in Diggle have puzzled many people on account of their distance from any house, and their situation upon rugged moors, but it must be remembered that they are close to the line of the Roman (or, perhaps, the pre-Roman) road already referred to. Many people think they are the refuse of iron furnaces worked by the Celto-Romans, as the Romans worked many iron mines in this country, but Louis Miall, in a paper on “Ancient Bloomeries in Yorkshire,” which appeared in the Yorkshire Archelogical and Topographical Journal, in 1865, thinks that they are not of Roman origin, and he concludes that, if it be conceded that they are of later date, it cannot be much beyond the time of the civil wars.

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Friar Here.

says that “ Friar’s Mere, in Saddleworth, was anciently abbey land, but at Z| the dissolution of the monasteries it was confis- cated by Henry the Eighth, and sold by that monarch to Arthur Ashton and Roger Gartside for the sum of £624, which was paid to the Crown by the aforesaid, in the porch of the parochial chapel of Saddleworth, about the year 1543, there being then no public house in this district. In country places at that time it was usual to transact much public business in the vestries or porch of the respective place of worship nearest to where the parties dwelt. Friar’s Mere being thus once possessed by the Abbey of Whalley, is free from all tithes and tenths, and £2 0s. 1d. is paid in lieu of these matters by the freeholders thereof.” The words in italics in the above extract are entirely wrong, because the Gartsides had no share in Friar’s Mere when it was purchased by Arthur Ashton from the king, nor was the land divided for about eight years after that. Arthur Ashton gave for Friar Mere the sum of £361 7s. 4d. This is another mistake, for long previous to this sale the territory of Friar Mere, then called Hydebrynhop and Hilbrighhope, belonged to Roche Abbey, in Yorkshire, and not to Whalley. Another writer (in the Illustrated London News) says that it was given by deed in 1314 “to Roche Abbey thereby, I suppose, he has mistaken Roche for the contraction of Rochdale which is easy, as

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that town is on the river Roche. The following, however, will set the matter at rest :—‘‘ Deed of conveyance of Friar’s Mere to Roche Abbey, in Yorkshire.—To all true Christian people to whom these presents shall come Warinus de Scargil sendeth greeting in our Lord. Know you me (for the salvation of my soul and all my ancestors and heirs) to have granted and confirmed to God and the blessed Virgin Mary and the Abbot and Convent of Rupe (Roche) and their successors, all the gifts and grants which the Lord Robert, son of William de Stapleton, my great grand- father, ‘whose heir I am, made to them. To wit: all that land and tenement which are called Hilbrighthope, by these divisions, to wit, by the way which leadeth from Stanheges to Cnothill, and passeth the water of the Tame, and so upward to the other Cnothill, even unto Woodward Hill, to east, west, and north, so far as my land reacheth, with all buildings, woods, and meadows; feedings, waters, pastures, and all appurtenances, and other things under the earth and over the earth, with the whole forest, and all other liberties to the said forest belonging. I have also granted to the said Abbot and convent and their successors, for me and my heirs, full power to enclose all the said tenement by the divisions aforesaid altogether, as ditched, and the ditches thrown down to make up and renew as often, when, and as often as they please, and to keep the same enclosed without hindrance or reproach of me or my heirs or assigns. And also common of pasture from the great way which leadeth from Stanheges unto the Bridgewater of Thame, towards the north unto the divisions aforesaid, and from Cnothill unto Woodward Hill, as the water departs toward the wood of Thame, to have and to hold all the said tenements and pastures in free, pure, and perpetual elemosine, safe and quiet from all secular service, claims, and demands for ever, so that the said Abbot and convent and their successors may do what they will with all that is contained within their said enclosed tenements without contradiction of me or my heirs, and without plea of forest. And I, the said Warren, and my heirs, all the said tenements and pastures, with their appurtenances, to the said Abbot and convent and their successors against all men ever will warrant, acquit,

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and for ever defend. In testimony whereof, as well my seal as the common seal of the said Abbot and convent, to this writing indented are severally affixed, these being witnesses: Edward de Wastenays; Thomas de Schofield; John de Doncaster ; John, of the chamber of Staynton; William, my son; and others. Dated at the Rupe, on Sunday, in the feast of the conversion of St. Paul, in the year of His Grace 1314.” The “ great way” referred to in this deed is the old Roman road from Delph, through Causewaysett and Castle Shaw, to Standedge, but which is now only a footpath. It forms the present division of Lord’s Mere and Friar’s Mere. Query : Were these two meres so named, one from being still governed by the Stapletons, lords of the manor, and the other from having long been abbey land? I am rather inclined to think this probable. By an earlier record than the foregoing (XIX. Coucher Book of Whalley Abbey) “ Indentura inter nos et Abbatem et Conventum de Rupe de decimis de Hildebrighthop,” it appears that a dispute had arisen between these two rival monastries as to the collecting of the tithes of Friar Mere, a privilege seemingly granted to Whalley, who had an agent on the premises, and a dwelling “obtained by request of the Bull of Lord Boniface, Pope VIII.” By this indenture we find that “the said Abbot of Rupe annually releases the afore- said Abbot of Whalley and his trusty agent at Hilde- brighthop from the payment of forty pence in silver, and one pound of wax and one pound of frankincense to the end of two years; that is, twenty pence and one pound of wax at the feast of Saint Martin in winter, and twenty pence and one pound of frankincense at Pentecost.” This, however, did not settle the dispute, and it was finally arranged to lay the matter before “a governor and deputies unsuspected and friendly to neither party,” who should make “a faithful examination’ of the matter in the presence of the arch- deacon (of Chester). This indenture was “dated at Wakefield, Friday next after the feast of Saint Barnabas the apostle, a.p. 1310.” That the monks had a residence at Grange, near Delph, remains undisputed, but I am not aware of any remains


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having been found, and certainly there is no building existing which could have lasted so long. Roche Abbey is situated in a narrow valley, near to the town of Tickhill, in Yorkshire. It was founded about the year 1147, by monks of the Cistertian order, assisted by the neighbouring proprietors —Richard de Builli and Richard, son of Turgis—who granted them certain lands on condition that they should build an abbey thereon. The beautiful white stone of which it is built was dug out of a quarry which is even now celebrated. The scenery around the abbey is very fine. The following is a translation of the deed of sale of Friar’s Mere by Henry VIII., in 1544:—‘ King Henry viij. grants, to his loving subject Arthur Ashton (in con- sideration of the sum of £361 7s. 4d. paid to the treasurer of His Majesty’s court of augmentations), all that tenement called Ashen Ben, or otherwise Thoome, lying in the town- ship of Saddleworth, within the parish of Rochdale, in the counties of Lancashire and York, and lately belonging to Roche Abbey, in Yorkshire, and now or late in the several or joint occupations of Ralph Cheetham, Christopher Cheet- ham, and John Wrigley, together with all and singular houses and buildings, pastures, lands, &c., &c., the holdings of the said Ralph and Christopher Cheetham and John Wrigley ; and also all that farm called Denshawe, in the township and parish aforesaid, and lately belonging to Roche Abbey, in the several or joint occupations of Ralph Cheetham, Christopher Cheetham, Henry Gartside, Richard Gartside, and John Gartside, together with all and singular messuages, mills, pastures, &c., &c., to them let. And all and singular messuages, lands, &c., &c., whatsoever in Saddleworth known by the name of Castle Shaw or Castyl Sheds, lately belonging to Roche Abbey, and now or late was in the tenure and occupation of John, Alexander, Lawrence, and Edmund Schofield ; and also all that grange situated in Saddleworth, ‘lately belonging to Roche Abbey, and now or late in the occupation of the aforesaid John, Alexander, and Lawrence Schofield, and of a certain Ottiwell Schofield; and also all that one-fourth part of custom or service, commonly boons, belonging to Roche Abbey, or let out, with the fourth part of the lands called Castyl Sheds, to the said Edmund

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Schofield. Also all that farm, with the appurtenances, called Swaynscroft, lying in Saddleworth aforesaid, and now or late in the occupation of James and Robert Lynthwaite. - Also all that pasture, with its appurtenances, situate in the territory Hibrigthope, in Saddleworth aforesaid, called the Delfe, lately belonging to Roche Abbey, and now or late in the occupation of Henry Whytehead. And also all that stone quarry, with its appurtenances, called Blackstone-delf, in Saddleworth aforesaid, belonging to Roche Abbey, and now or late was in the separate tenures or occupation of the said Henry Whytehead, Henry Gartside, William, Richard, and John Gartside; and also all that annual payment of fourpence to the said abbey by Henry Gartside, and of the same sum by William, Richard, and John Gartside. And, generally, the King grants to the said Arthur Ashton all his lands, and tenements, and hereditments whatsoever in Saddle- worth which belonged to the monastery of Roche Abbey, to have and to hold as fully and entirely in as simple a manner as the last Abbot and Convent of Roche, or any of their predecessors held before the dissolution of the said monastery. That the said Arthur Ashton is to hold these lands of the King and his heirs in capite by the service of a fourth part of a knight’s fee, and paying thence annually to us and our successors forty shillings and a penny of lawful money of England, on the feast of St. Michael the Archangel, in the name of the tenth part of the premises. In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made patent. Witness, myself, at Westminster, the fifth day of June, in the thirty-fifth year of our reign.” By a deed dated the 27th of May, 1551, the above lands in Friar’s Mere were equally divided between Arthur Ashton and Roger Gartside, of Gartside. Saddleworth, as a whole, is locally divided by an imaginary line into the upper end and lower end. This division first occurred in connection with the two packs of harriers then supported in the parish, and which ended in the Delph fight, April 24th, 1826. For some time previously a misunderstanding had existed between the upper-enders and lower-enders, which created a rivalry, unhappily yet existing, detrimental in many _ respects to the well-being of the district. As far as I can

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learn, the first cause of the quarrel was the meeting of two packs of harriers upon the trail of the same hare, which led to a difference of opinion as to the ownership of the animal. As a means of settling the dispute a trail hunt was decided upon, thus ledving the crack dogs of each pack to give judgment. This, however, did not prove satisfactory, so a foot race between Levi Bradbury, for the lower end, and the champion of the upper end took place, but with no better result than the former race. After these failures, a series of pugilistic encounters occurred upon every opportu- nity, such as fairs and festivals, but the ‘“ Delph fight” proved the climax. ‘The White Lion,” for the upper end, and “The Bull’s Head,” for the lower end, were the strong- holds of the contending parties, from whence they sallied forth into the fair, and, upsetting the stalls, seized any article likely to be useful as an instrument of attack or defence. The bridge near “'The Rose and Crown” was the scene of the principal part of the melee, and at this point Joe o’ Breb’s,” a rather distinguished member of the Bradbury family, threw a man over the parapet of the bridge into the bed of the river. The close of the fight, however, proved disastrous to the invaders, who were forcibly driven back to the Bull’s Head, where, in the excitement and haste of the demoralised retreating forces, one of their own band was left outside the barricaded door, where he was at the mercy of the infuriated mob, who quickly beat the poor man to death with their heavy bludgeons. The sequel proves that there yet lingers a remnant of superstition amongst us, for, upon the 24th of April, until recently, every year Delph has. been visited by heavy showers of rain, as a unishment, it is said, for the life lost on the occasion of the elph fight, and, I suppose, as a warning to this and to the coming generations. On April 6th, 1865, the case of “ Regina v. The Inhabit- ants of Friar’s Mere” was heard before Baron Martin, at the Leeds assizes. It was an indictment preferred against the inhabitants of Friar’s Mere for the non-repair of a footpath leading from Eagle Mill, Delph, to Ridding Water, near Castle Shaw. The defendants admitted that the road was a public highway, but pleaded that the owners and occupiers

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of land along the road were liable to repair it, and not the inhabitants of Friar’s Mere. Verdict was given for the defendants, Serjeant Hayes (for the defence), in opening the case, said :—“‘ Friar Mere was a district of Saddleworth, which was a bleak, hilly region. There were not many signs of progress there, very few railways, and it was a © remarkable fact that one of the witnesses he should call before them remembered the first carriage that was ever seen in the township, and the great curiosity manifested to get a glimpse of it. It was a very hilly, very healthy, and very poor district, with plenty of picturesque scenery, prenty of bog, very poor soil, and a very poor population.” With the learned serjeant’s “ verys,” he is not very complimentary to Saddleworth, nor yet very truthful.

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MONGST the most ancient of the families of Saddleworth are some of those whose signatures appear to the deeds connected with Saddleworth ~ Church, viz., de la Qwyke, de la Schagh, and de Holyngreve; and of these we shall speak first. In Sad- dieworth there are three places named Higher, Middle, and Lower Holingrove, so named from the two Saxon words Hollen—hollies (en being the plural affix in Saxon words, as shoe, shooen, ee, een, &c.) and greave or grove (a clough says Butterworth), a small thicket of underwood similar in character to a “ so far as extent is concerned, though the shaw contained larger trees. This ancient family has long been extinct, and I can only find two persons recorded —Richard de Holyngreve, and Richard his son. The names of Gilbert de Qwyke, or Quick, and Robert de Qwyke, also are found on deeds of the thirteenth century, and it was thought that the name had ceased to exist, but they seem to have moved their residence at some time into Devonshire. The Shaws seem to have always, held a very prominent position in Saddleworth, as the name is constantly occurring in such documents as have been preserved, thus Roberto de la Schagh, John Shaw, and several Giles Shaws are found connected with parochial matters. Shaw Mere, or that division of Saddleworth where the dwarf oaks, &c., were predominant, probably first gave origin to the name

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of Shaw in this district, and then Shaw Hall became the seat of this ancient family, though it does not appear how long they remained there, for in the reign of Henry VIII. we find Shaw Hall deserted by them, and the family settled down at Boarshurst, Hawkyard, and surrounding district, a neighbourhood which in those times would be much more suitable for a gentleman’s family than Shaw Hall. The arms of the Shaws, as borne by George Shaw, Esq., of St. Chad’s, are, “ Arg. a chevron contra ern: a canton gu.— crest, a hawk jessed arid belled ready for flight. Motto, ‘ Altius tendo’”—“T rise (or aspire) allusion to the constant endeavours of that bird to fly higher than its prey before making the fatal swoop. The old farm of awkyard, in Greenfield, still continues in a branch of the family, and it was at this place where the hawks of the family used for sporting purposes are said to have been kept, and from them was most probably derived the family-crest. The name of Richard Shaw, “ Dominus de Shaw Hall,” occurs in the time of Edward II., from whom the names are pretty regular down to the present time. Following these are the families whose names occur in the Friar Mere deeds; the Cheethams, Garsides, Schofields, Whiteheads, and Wrigleys, all which we can soon dispose of. The Cheethams we may consider as extinct in this locality. The family of Schofield were long residents at Schofield Hall on the Rochdale side of Blackstone Edge. Lord Thomas de Schofield was one of the witnesses to the. gift of Friar Mere to Roche Abbey in 1814, and in the deed of sale of the same lands in the reign of Henry VIII. we find the names of John, Alexander, Lawrence, Edmund, and Ottiwell Schofield, who appear to have settled and occupied land at Castyl Sheds or Castle Shaw, and Swains- croft, or Linthwaites. This family resided at Schofield Hall prior to the reign of Henry VIII., so that it is probable they were only fresh arrivals in Saddlesworth at the time of the sale. The arms of the Schofield family are, ‘“‘ Arg. on a pale sa. three cinquefoils of the field. Crest a fleur-de-lis.” The name of Schofield is probably derived from Shaw and field, signifying cultivated land surrounded by thickets.

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Between New Hey and Milnrow stands a collection of ancient dwellings amongst pasture lands, and now known as Garside, though its proper name is Garthside, which simply means a small meadow or close of land. It may be noticed that a great number of Saxon surnames are derived from land either rough or cultivated; thus we have Lees, fields; Fielding, a low-lying field; Longbottom, a long, swampy piece of ground; Bottomley, Thornley, Hurst, Wood, and many others. A family bearing the local name was for a long time seated at Garthside, and branches from the family afterwards settled at Oakenrod, Saddleworth, and Marsden. The first of this family on record was Richard de Garthside, who occurs in charters during the reign of Henry II. and Richard I. (4.D. 1154-1199); the second was probably Robert de Garthside, ancestor of the elder branch settled at Okenrod. Of the Oakenrod family was Jacobus Garside de Okenrode, whose daughter Susannah matried Gabriel Garside, of Rochdale, which marriage united the two families and their estates. Susannah Garside died on the 7th day of August, 1668. Her husband became an earnest royalist during the civil wars, and had his estates sequestrated; but he afterwards compounded with the sequestrators appointed by parliament, paying £28 in the ear 1646. The arms of the Gartsides, of Okenrod, have een given, ‘‘ Az: cn a bend, arg. 3 mullets gu. ;” but the Gartsides of Berrygreave, and elsewhere in Yorkshire, bear “ Arg. on a bend, gu. 3 mullets of the first. Crest, a grey- hound passant arg. Motto, ‘ Vincit qui patitur’’”—“ He conquers who endures.” In the reign of Queen Mary, Oakenrod was one of the possessions of the Radcliffe family, but their estates being sequestrated this place reverted to the Garsides. The Garsides of Denshaw, a branch of this family, appear to have settled in that locality about the sixteenth century as the purchaser of land in Friar Mere at . that time. One Roger Gartside then resided at Garside Hall. Arthur Ashton, of Rochdale, purchased the whole of Friar Mere in 1543, but on the 27th May, 1551, a deed was executed, by which the mere was equally divided between the said Arthur Ashton and Roger Gartside. Woodbrow, one of the estates mentioned in this deed, has descended from that time in lineal descent to the present possessor.

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By the deed of sale of Friar Mere, dated 5th June, 1543, it appears that Henry Whytehead held “Delfe” and a share of the Bakestone pit, since which time the family have been . Settled here, and probably for many generations previously. In the same deed we find the names of Ashton, Cheetham, Schofield, Linthwaite, Gartside, and Wrigley, all of them land tenants at that period, and many of them now. The family of Wrigley is said to be the oldest in Saddleworth. They have no arms, but one John Wrigley, in conjunction with others, held “that tenement called Ashen Ben, alias ‘Thoome (now Tame, though locally pronounced Tome), lying in the township of Saddleworth,” as may be seen in an ancient deed. The name of Wrigley i is derived. from a rough, uneven, hilly, or ‘“‘ridgey”’ field or “‘ley.”” Amongst the families who have settled in the district from two to three hundred years ago are many of whom we can learn no history, or, if any at all, it is very meagre. Rhodes is a decidedly northern family, probably dating from the time of the crusades, but long settled in Saddleworth. Their arms are, “ Arg. on a cross engrailed gu. four bezants, between four lions rampant of the second. Crest, a leopard sejant, or gorged with a collar gu.” The time-honoured name of Buckley seems, from various records and other memorials, to have originated from Buckley Hall, near Rochdale. The armorial bearings of the “Bucleys de Bucley”’ still exist on the ceiling of Rochdale Church—“ Gu., a chevron sa. between three bulls’ heads armed proper. Crest on a wreath, a bull’s head armed, proper. Motto,‘ Nec timere nec timide’ ’’—“‘ Neither rash nor timid.” The first occupier of Buckley Hall (now taken down) was Geoffry, the nephew of Geoffry de Bucklegh, Dean of Whalley, who was living about 1296. <A descend- ant of his, also named Geoffry, and who succeeded John and Adam (A.D. 1823) was slain in the battle of Evesham, and buried in the Abbey Church there. In a chantry chapel at the south-east corner of Rochdale Church is a recumbent statue in stone, representing a mailed warrior of the Buckley family, "but it has only been placed there during the present century. A greyhound, once belonging to this family, whilst in London with its master, was startled by a

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falling package in Cheapside, and immediately started off homewards. It was found dead on the doorstep of Buckley Hall, at five o’clock next morning, having run a hundred and ninety-six miles in sixteen hours. Edwin Waugh . mentions a story “‘relat*ng to one of the Buckleys of old, who was a dread to the side, and how he pursued a Rossendale rider, who had crossed the moors from the wild old forest to recover a stolen horse from the stables of Buckley Hall by night; and how this Buckley, of Buckley, overtook and shot him.” There are many other traditions connected with the Buckley family. One Thomas de Bucley, living in 1534, married Grace, the daughter of Arthur Ashton, the purchaser of Friar Mere, and it is possible that they came into Saddleworth about the date of the purchase, and settled on the new estate. The Buckleys of Broadhead and Linthwaite are still considered amongst the “ first families” in the district. Sir Edmund Buckley, of Grotton Hall, bears for arms, ‘Sa. a chevron -arg. between three bulls’ heads of the Of the almost extinct family of Farrar but very little is known, although they were formerly lords of the manor conjointly with the Ramsdens. Their descendants are not numerous, and are, in fact, scarcely known in the parish, so obscure have they become, and thus in one sense, at least, contradicting their family motto, “I shine, though worn.” The arms are, “Arg. on a bend engrailed sa., three horseshoes of the field. Crest, a horseshoe between two wings.” A rent roll of the Farrars was shown to me some years back, but I have lost all trace of it. “‘ Arms arg. two bendlets engrailed sa. surmounted by a label of three points gu. Crest, a bull’s head gu. armed proper, issuing from a ducal coronet. Motto, ‘ Caen, Cressie, Calais.’”” These are the armorial bearings of the ancient and noble family of Radcliffe, of whose fortunes and misfortunes volumes might be written. ‘This house has produced 14 earls, one viscount, five barons, seven knights of the garter, one lord deputy of Ireland, two ambassadors, several bannerets and knights of the bath, along with many coun- cillors, warriors, and statesmen.” It may fairly be said of the Radcliffe family that, if they now held what their

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ancestors held, many of the little principalities of our German “‘ friends” would sink into insignificance in comparison. Sir Richard de Radclyffe, of Radclyffe Tower, was seneschal and minister of the royal forests of Blackburnshire, and accompanied Edward I. against the From his eldest son descended the Radcliffes of utadcliffe, Culcheth, and Edgeworth ; and from the younger son those of Foxdenton, though the two branches were afterwards united by the marriage of Sir Alexander Radcliffe, K.B., with Lady Joan, only child of the fifth Earl of Sussex. Their son, Robert, married, in 1676, Anne, only child of Rowland Eyre, Hsq., of Bradbury, and, having been killed in a duel, was buried at Northenden, in 1685. Sir Francis Radcliffe was, in 1687, created Baron of Tyndale, Viscount Radcliffe and Langley, and Earl of Derwentwater ; but this branch of the family having loyally adhered to the Stuart cause, the title became forfeited. From the Ordshall branch of this family are descended its Saddleworth representatives, the Radclifies of Boarshurst and Stonebreaks. The family of Lawton—said to have come over Standedge in “jackass panniers,” with a band of gipsies—have long been settled here, and have many branches. They are of Cheshire descent, having come from Lawton, in that county ° The first on record is Hugh Lawton, who married Pabula Medoc, a Welsh widow, and to him succeeded John, Richard, James, and others. John Lawton, in 1580, married Margaret Fulke-Dutton, and had John, living in 1613, whose son, William, in or about 1630, married Hester, second daughter of Sir Ed. Longueville, of Wolverton, his son also marrying a Longueville. The line of descent is unbroken until the beginning of the present century. The Lawton arms are, ‘“‘ Arg. on a fess sa. between three cross crosslets of the second three cinquefoils of the field. Crest, a demi-wolf rampant regardant sa. vulned in the breast gu., and holding in the paws a cross crosslet fitchee. Motto—“The light of my life.’” The family of Bradbury, though not occupying any high local position, is one of considerable antiquity. The family took its name (signifying the “ great from a strong- hold they had erected for their defence on the banks of the

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Tame, at Bredbury, near Stockport. We may here mention _ that a tradition still exists respecting this castle of Bredbury, or, as it was spelt in the Saxon, “ brad-byri.” An opposing baron, with whom the Bredburys were at enmity, had also his castle on the opposite side of the river, but nearer to Hyde. The two barons were continually warring against each other, but without much result, until he of Hyde made a sortie, and captured Bredbury’s daughter. Then came the real feud; the Bredburys assembled their villeins and ‘retainers, crossed the river to the castle of Hyde, and, after a severe struggle, the lady was regained, the baron of Hyde slain, and his castle so demolished that not a stone remained. The ruins of Harden Hall now mark the spot where stood the tower of the Bredburys, and the old moat still exists, but in a dry state, and planted with fruit trees. So far as we have been able to trace, one Hamo de Bredburi, living in the reign of King Stephen (4.D. 1152), was the first whose name is recorded in ancient writings. He was succeeded by Waltheof, Stephen, and Alexander, who in turn gave place to Jordan, Adam, and Ralph de Bredbury, who held the manors of Bredbury, Romilegh, &c., by the service of a man, and pike, and an uncaparisoned horse, in time of war. An ancestor of the family fought under Edward, the Black Prince, at the battle of Cressy, in 1346, when 30,000 Englishmen defeated 120,000 Frenchmen. Cannon were first used, it is said, in this battle. On returning from the war, this Bredbury married Alice Joddrell, whose family arms he appears to have adopted without any mark of difference, thus— Sa., three round buckles arg.” Most Bradburys now bear a chevron ermine between the buckles. Crest: A demi-dove volant arg. In the beak a slip of barberry vert. fructed gu. Various mottoes are used. Arms of the Bradburys of Lancashire : “8a., betw. four buckles, three in chief and one in base, arg. two chevronels or. Crest: A wood pigeon proper, on each wing a round buckle arg. Motto—‘ Auquitus actionum regula ;’”’ or, ‘ Justice rules our actions.” But these arms are very modern. By the marriage of Adam de Bredbury’s daughter and heiress, Cecilia de Bredbury, the Bredbury estate, inclading Harden Hall, passed to her husband, Sir

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John Arderne, and the family of Bradbury then separated, one branch following the Goit river into Derbyshire, and the elder branch following the course of the river Tame to Saddleworth. The will of John Bradbury, of Greenfield, eoman, was proven at Chester, in January, 1637, and from him the descent is unbroken through the Runninghill Brad- - burys to the present representative, Henry B. Bradbury, of London, &c. The Platts, of whom are the Messrs. Platt, of Oldham, have been long settled in Saddleworth, and have given name to Platt Lane and Platt Hill. Of this family two have been members of parliament for the borough of Oldham, viz., one of the present members, and his unfortunate brother, James Platt, who was accidentally shot on the moors near Ashway Gap, in Greenfield, on August 27th, 1857. One branch of the family now bears arms, “ Az. on a chevron arg., three leopards’ heads gu., between three escallops of the second. Crest: A wheat sheaf or. bound vert.” The Bottomleys, Kenworthys, and Broadbents, too, are very ancient families in this district, but the names do not occur in the records. The Byron family (of whom was Lord Byron, the poet), for several centuries, held lands in Rochdale, and the tithes of Saddleworth. Their manorial rights extended over 45,000 acres of land, with the privilege of court leet and court baron in all the townships of the parish, including the parochia chapelry of Saddleworth. The arms of the Byrons, ords of Rochdale, are—‘‘ Argent, three bendlets enhanced gules.” There is in the possession of the Beanmonts, of Whitly, near Huddersfield, a charter by which Robert de Stapleton grants ‘‘ To God, the blessed Virgin, and Saints, and to James of Kirklees, eight acres in Saddleworth, house- bote and haybote.” The arms of the Stapletons are,“Arg., a lion rampant sa. Crest: Out of a ducal coronet a Moor’s head issuing ppr. Motto—‘ Fide sed cui vide ;’” “ Have faith, but be careful in whom you place it.”

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fea] HEN our Saxon ancestors first discovered the rugged mountains and vales of Saddleworth how different i; must have been the scene from what it is now! The hills were probably one barren expanse of moorland as they are now, but the warmer valleys, sheltered by noble trees and enlivened by many a rippling brook, would possess many a charm which they now lack. ‘True, they had the wolves and the wild boars to contend with, but they were prepared for them. Having arrived in the valley, our fathers would first select a place whereon to erect their huts and plant the foundations of their new home. Follow- ing the old Roman road, they came to the spot where now stands Saddleworth Fold, or Saddleworth, if I may use the term, for it must be remembered that the name might not be given at first to the whole district, but only to one village, where the Saxons first settled, and from whence they spread throughout the parish. Now, when they settled ‘at this village why should they call it Saddleworth ? Tradition, who is like an old gossip telling her tale differently at every door, has told us what King Canute thought about the place, that it was not worth his old saddle at home; whilst she tells us another time that it was once sold for a saddle—but if that be true the purchaser got ‘ saddled” with a good bargain. To look at the matter seriously, however, I believe the name Saddleworth to be derived from three Saxon words, sad, dark, gloomy, or dismal; dell, a valley; woyth, a village ; thus the name simply signifies “the village fn the

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dark valley,” a-name singularly appropriate to the first settlement of the first Saxons who arrived here, and found themselves buried in the dark deep shades and gloomy solemnity of a fine old forest. Some local antiquaries, gentlemen for whose opinions I have the greatest regard, are inclined to differ from myself and others on the etymology of “‘ Sad-dle-worth,’ but as yet they have not suggested any explanation more likely than that I have given. Butterworth suggests Scaw (or Shaw) del-werth as the origin of the name, but there is little difference in the meaning of the words, as ‘ the woody valley” would equally be “the dark valley.” By a document bearing date “ the eight-and-twentieth day of March, in the eighth year of the reign of Edward IV., of England and France King, Lord of Ireland, A.D. 1469,” we find the boundary of Saddleworth then extended from Woodward Hill, as the rain water ‘“‘ descendeth and runneth to Mantle Law, and from Mantle Law to Thame Head, and from thence to Woodward Hill, and from Woodward Hill to Coldgreave Hill; thence to ‘ Red-oke-yn-dean Head, and from Red-oke-yn-dean towards ’ the west. Thence to Lominload, and from Lominload to Near Clough Head, and from thence again to the west. Thence to Standedge as the rain water descendeth and runneth toward the west,’ and from thence to North Clough Head, and from North Clough Head de Diggle to Rimmon Pit, and from thence to Silver Hill, from which it passed to the west of Holme Clough Head, and from thence to Owl’s Head Hill, and from Owl’s Head to Blacklow Head. Thence to Ormesrake, and from Ormesrake to Offin Stone (Alphin’s Stone), and from Offin Stone to Hardlow (War- low?) Pike, and from thence to Saddleworth Lanehead, then to the river Thame, and so to Quick Brook. And from Quick Brook to Rising Leach, thence to Palden Brook and Kowtonland, and from Rowtonland to Woodward Hill afore- said.” Of the names mentioned in this deed many are now forgotten, and some of the remainder are not placed on the present boundary line, which runs from the Tame at Hill Mill in a westerly direction to Brownedge, thence N.E. to near Sringhead, and from Springhead west to Lees; from Lees north to Hey and Austerlands; then west to Waterhead’

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Mill and up Strinesdale to Badger Edge ; thence north-west to Grains and Brun, and from Brun N.E. to Crompton Moor. From Crompton Moor N.W. to White Slack, and from there, in a north-east direction, by the Ram Inn, to Redmires (signifying ‘‘ Peace”); thence south-east to the Buckstones road, having crossed which it forms a semi- circle, with the convexity towards March Hill, then passes southward and easterly on the top of Standedge to Deanhead Moss (passing through the Black Moss reservoir on its way), and from Deanhead Moss to Greenhill; and thence south-west to Clodberry Hill, then southward to Owl’s Head Hill, Owl’s Head Hill S.E. to Ladder Moss, thence 8. W. to Combes Clough Head, and from Combes Clough Head (perhaps the Combes Brook of some deeds) to Featherbed Moss, near Arm- field. From Featherbed Moss it passes westward to Blindstone Moss, then in the same direction to the top of Alphin, and from thence southward to Warlow Pike; and from Warlow Pike, N.W. and N.E., to Noon Sun Hill. and from Noon Sun, by Lanehead and ‘“ Shadows Lane,”’ to the river Tame aforesaid. The principal hills in Saddleworth, with their respective heights, are—Owl’s Head Hill, above Greenfield, 1,719 feet high; Long Ridge, 1,709 feet; Clodberry Hill, 1,698 feet ; and Charnel Rocks, 1,647 feet high; all form a portion of the high lands which separate Saddleworth from the Graveship of Holme, but the highest point of the hills bordering upon Saddleworth is at Bleak Hill, the highest point of Holme Moss, which was the station of the Ordinance Survey of 1849-51. The height is 1,909 feet above the level of the sea. This hill forms the natural boundary between Saddleworth and the township of Austonley, in the Graveship of Holme, but by some means or other its possession has been obtained by the latter town- ship. These hills are almost destitute of verdure on their summits, but on one of them, near Holme’s Clough, is a crystal spring much admired. The ruined hut close by this spring was for a long time the residence of a Scotch hermit, who would certainly find here the solitude he sought. The hills Alderman and Alphin have already been alluded to, but some of the minor ones are worthy of note. Stanedge, or Standedge, “the stony hill,” is supposed to have

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separated two hostile tribes in former times, and it appears to form a natural boundary between Yorkshire and Lanca- shire. On the eastern side the dialect and customs are thoroughly Yorkshire, whilst on the western or Saddleworth side the people, their dress, customs, and speech prove them of the true Lancashire Saxon, which is perhaps the chief reason why strangers believe it to be in Lancashire. The highest part of Standedge is Clowes Moss, which attains an elevation of 1,464 feet ; that is, twenty feet higher than the summit of Pule Hill, which most people consider the higher of the two hills. Pule and Alderman are of equal height, as are also Standedge at the deep cutting and High Moor at the Star Inn. From the hill (1,484 feet high) to the west of Radocyndean a splendid prospect is obtained. On our left the view extends as far as the Greenfield hills; on the right Rochdale and the principal towns of South Lancashire lie in groups upon the more level ground, whilst the ridge of Blackstone Edge is seen in the distance. If we look north- ward we have glimpses of scenery extending to the district around Halifax, whilst on the south and south-east our view is bounded by the lesser range of hills separating us from Oldham and Ashton. From Tame Scout, 1,307 feet high; Badger Edge, 1,244 feet ; and from the less elevated, though considerable hills of Wharmton, Harrop Edge, and Knot Hill, splendid views may be had. The most picturesque and beautiful valley in Saddleworth is of course Greenfield, but there are many bright little spots in Harropdale, the Pickel, and on the course of the Tame through Friar Mere. The principal stream in the district is the river Tame, or “‘ Water,” as the name signifies, being derived (according to Whitaker) from the ancient British “am,” with the prepositive “T’’ much used amongst them. This river rises amongst the lofty moorlands on the borders of Rochdale parish, and, after receiving several small tribu- taries, it passes by the villages of Junction, Tame, and Delph ; there receiving the Hull brook, and then passing forward in a winding course to Tamewater and Brownhill Bridge, where it is joined by a considerable stream from Harropdale. Having passed through Uppermill and Frenches, it is joined by the Greenfield water a little below


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Ladhill Bridge, and shortly after passing Roaches leaves the parish at Hillmill. Its whole course is sketched by Harri- son, a venerable topographer of the Elizabethan age, as follows :—‘ The Tame, which divideth Chestershire and Lancastershyres in sunder, and whose head is the very edge of Yorkshire, goeth southward to Saddleworth-firth, then to Mikelhurst, Stalyhal, Ashton under line, Dunkefield, Denton, Reddish, Bredbury, and so at Stockeford, or Stopford, into the Mersey streame.” Hull brook arises on the hills around Castle Shaw, and, flowing down the valley for about a mile-and-a-half, empties itself into the Tame at Delph. Trout weighing more than three pounds each have been caught up the Hull stream, and it is yet considered good fishing ground. The Diggle water is collected on that portion of the western declivity of Standedge which lies to the south of Blackheynook, on the north-eastern slope of the Church Moors and upon Harrop Edge, and then flows down the valley of Harropdale by Woolroad to Brownhill Bridge. Here down this dale the Diggle’s winding brook Falls hoarse, from steep to steep. Come ye arrayed Fit for the thickets and the tangling shrub ;

For you, ye moorland maids, their latest son. The woodlands raise.

The following story, not generally known, appeared some years since, under the title of Saddleworth Sheawtin Whistle Pig (in conversation with Tum): “ But aw'll tell thi wot Tum, Owd Dick o’ Johnny o’ Nogg’s i? Saddleworth had a better shap than o’ that’n, for sometoim abeawt latter eand o’ th’ last Februerry, after him, un th’ woif, un four lads had’n bit a wul day o’ neawt but abeawt a quart o’ nettle porritch un a bit ov a crust 0” breawn George, he geet up th’ mornin’ after un sed tuth woif ‘ Ol tell thi wot Nan, aw’m varry wammos this mornin’, un aw conno ston for t’? wheyv mi bit o’th’ piece eawt beawt summut t’ eyt un win newt i’th heawse, but awve a cratchin come int’ my yed ut, if it oansers, we con toar on till aw woven my wough and piece eawt.’ ‘High!’ says Nan, ‘ un wot ist?’ ‘ Whau,’ says he, ‘win sen eawr Ned to Jone’s o’ Robin’s o’ Sim’s o’ Bill’s for a quartern o’ meyl, un tell

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him eawr case, und th’ tother three lads shan goo wi’ him, un ston abeawt hauf-a-quarter of a moil tone behint t’other (for theau knows ut th’ shop’s abeawt hauf-a-moil off), un if eawr Ned speeds, he’s set up a sheawt to eawr Will, un Tum un Dick shan sheawt to one another, and theaws’t ston at th’ fout gate, and theau may ha’th porritch on in a crack.” Tum: “ Bith’ munds, Whistle Pig, ov o th’ skeeams ut one’s yerd on (un one’s yerd o’ monny o’ one), this sheds o! Qne’s yerd of a controivance ut th’ had’n i’ France for ’ carry t? news a greet way i’ a little toim ut ti kodena telligraf; "Mass! Whistle Pig, this shan be koed t’ Saddle- worth sheawtin talligraf.” Whistle Pig: “God o’ massy ! Tum, theaw’s kersunt ut it faith, boh as awre tellin’ thi, they senten t’ lads awf, un they stood’n as thern ordert, so Ned went intuth shop, un sed, ‘ Awm come for’t see if yon leh me ha a quartern o’ meyl, for win had neawt t’ eyt sin yestur mornin’, boh abeawt a quart o’ nettle porritch un a breawn George crust; un win neawt ith’ heawse.’ ‘ Yer thi me, Ned,’ sed th’ shopmon, ‘ weear did tu leet o’ thi nettles at this toim o'th’ year ? for ther’s noan here abeawts.’ ‘Woh,’ ses Ned, ‘aw went deawn intuth Wetterheawses, un leet o’ some at th’ back o’ Jim Telier’s, o’ th’ war office, in a warm pleck at soid o’ Joe o’th’ Ho meddo, un as awre gooin fort tell yo mi faither’s neawt boh a wough un a piece fort wheyv un hil gu deawn t’ Mawsley, un tak it wi him, un ther’ll be oather munny or papper, un hil pay yoh oather t’ neet or i’th’ mornin’, un a creawn toard th’ eawd wot wi owen yoh.’ ‘Good lad,’ said th’ shopkeeper, ‘ theaw tells a gradely tale enoof, un if theaw’ll do as t’ says, theaw’st ha ’t. So Ned eawt o’th’ shop as fast as he could, and set up a sheawt to Will, un Will to Tum, un Tum to Dick, un Dick to Owd Nan at th’ fout gate; un bi this shift hoo geet th’ porritch on as soon as Ned had getten th’ meyl int’ his poke, for Owd Johnny o’ Nogg’s swore at no toim shud be lost, for he could go to no wark till he’d summut t’ eyt. By this kontrivance thi’d getten reawnd th’ porritch dish bi one could say trap stick, after Ned koom into th’ heawse with meyl.” As a specimen of the difference between the Saddleworth dialect and that of the adjoining Yorkshire townships of

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Marsden, I have selected a few words of like meaning :-——

SADDLEWORTH. MARSDEN. MEANING. Shatin Shouting. Wife. Hawr ....0.. Our. Meyl « Mail wo. cece Meal. Beawt coceee Baht... Without. Theatr Thah ........ or you. Toim TAWM .. e. Koed Koaled...... voce cece cece Called. Kersemin Kresemin Christening. Heawse Hahse-yahse House. Beawn Bahn Going. Wayter cece Watter .... cece cee Water. Soid DAWEH cece ence ce Side. HO... Hoal ......... cee A hall Teawn oe Tabn coc. cece Town T’invoite T’invawt ....ccsceees To invite Coyle Coal

The whole dialect of Marsden is so different from that of surrounding places that one is almost tempted to believe the people are descendants of those old Brigantes who used to ravage these hills. Certainly they are not of the same race as the people of Saddleworth. The following few words in use in Saddleworth are derived from (B.) the ancient British, (N.) the Norman, and ) the Saxon :—

Be-ust (B. biast) a cow. run (B. aprun) an apron. Dule (B. daw!) the devil. Te (N. faux) sharp-witted. Foo (N. fou) a fool. Beawn (N. boune) going. Wick (S. ewic) alive. Sowjers (N. soudiers) soldiers. Aks (S. axian) to ask. Hont (S. hond) hand. Geet (S. getan) to get. Koom (8. cuman) came. Broo (S. broew) a steep place. Dee (S. deadan) to die. Kom (S. cam) a comb. Brid (S. bridd) a bird. Brun (8S. bryne) to burn. Deawn (S. dun) down. Bin (8. beon) been. Boourt (Danish—boord) a board.

Wynt (B. gwynt) the wind.

Of late years there has been a great alteration in the character of our mountaineers, chiefly owing to the greater intercourse with surrounding districts which has been facilitated by the railways. Still we can find remnants of the old generations living in solitude on the edge of the moorlands, and happy in their ignorance of the world beyond their own cloud-capped hills. The people of mountainous

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districts are generally superstitious ; they are surrounded by the most magnificent forms of nature, and are therefore impressed by comparison with a sense of their own insignifi- cance ; they live more alone than the dwellers in the plain ; their cottages are scattered far and wide, and in contempla- tion induced ty this solitude the imagination roams at will, and peoples the lovely scenery around with superhuman forms, and from these causes and effects it is more than probable that our legends of gnomes and sprites, boggarts, fairies, and hobgoblins have had their origin. In the same words as Butterworth, in his “ History of Saddleworth,” I will close this chapter :—‘ The Saddleworth people, like the Swiss, have a character peculiar to themselves. They are rude of speech,- but kind and hospitable in disposition, without many of the benefits of education, but of quick perception, and sound judgment. They mix but little in the world; their own deep valleys and lofty mountains form a world of their own, in which as much comfort and solid contentment exist as fall to the lot of the generality of man- kind.”—(Baines.) The natives of this valley I generally find possess more enlightened notions of polity, more liberality of principle, more independence of spirit, joined to less enthusiatic notions in religious matters, with all that quick perception, soundness of judgment, and honesty of intention so indispensible to the formation of a character deserving of our esteem, admiration, and imitation.

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“ Kedlock Ho.”

the head of one of the deepest and most gloomy and secluded valleys in Saddleworth may be found 2 hamlet of small, dilapidated dwellings, many of ~ which were occupied a century ago by opulent manufacturers, but which have long been deserted and allowed to fall into ruinous decay. Of those which still remain habitable, the majority are only ghosts of what they once were. <A small, winding rivulet, arising on the adjoin- ing moors, after many stoppages and tortuous windings on its way, at last falls romantically through moss and fern into the village well, and then, meandering through green fields, it empties itself into a mill dam, which now is almost choked with weeds and rubbish, but the mill has long ceased working and only remain in memoriam of times gone by. Splash, splash, over a moss covered weir, flanked by ferns and lichens, and slowly trickling through the old wheel-race, the streamlet journeys onward, until——but here we stop, for a few more words would describe too closely the locality where we have deposited the reader. Clustered together, under the sheltering shadows of a few “ tall ancestral trees,” the hamlet is one of the most peaceful and quiet we can find; nor is it disturbed by any riotous proceedings of an unruly people, but rather it is charmed with the not very distant sounds of Saddleworth bells. Here Botany Bill and his confreres often follow out their naturalist inclinations in the study of roots, leaves, and flowers, or otherwise lie

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HO.” 167

calmly on the sward in this true Nature’s temple, for there are scenes here which, to an imaginative mind, are rich in subjects for thought and contemplation. Amongst other dwellings, here is one which is more particularly interesting to us as being the residence of our former acquaintance who rejoices in the soubriquet of ‘“‘ Owd Kedlock,’’ and who, in the pride of human vanity, has designated his humble dwelling ‘“ Kedlock Ho,” though he is not the original proprietor. The “ Ho” is not one of those antique, Gothic dwellings of the middle ages, which seem to have. been designed specially that the owls and jackdaws might play at hide-and-seek amongst the chimneys, and the wind marlock with its echo around the gables; no! Kedlock Ho is merely a plain-looking old-fashioned cottage, but honoured once upon a time, as the sages tell us, as the residence of a real king—“ Lung Yers [.”—of whom Kedlock fondly remarks, “* Packs had Mains!’’ Antiquaries (may we say the world in general?) have been puzzled by this expression, imagining that Packs was a cognomen of honour given to the king, but they were unable to assign any reason why he “had mains,” or really to understand what mains were. In looking over the ancient documents (Kookoense-pekokensis”’ MBS. vii. and ix.) in the possession of Kedlock, we conclude that the said king had never but one title, namely, “ His most dolorous Majesty Lung Yers I., King of Rag.” A list of his state officers is also given, and these, with the assistance of Kedlock, we have been able to preserve in this authentic history “ never before published.” ‘The following letter from the old gentleman—though he says he’s “ nobbut a felly loik other foak”—will introduce the subject:— Kedlock Ho, Wensdi Neet. Neaw,—Aw forgetten thi gradely name, but aw dar seh it’s o’ reet. Aw just bin readin’ a bit to th’ owd woman, eawt o’ that Sketch 0’ thoin, abeawt me singin’ at Bill’s o’ Jack’s. When aw’d clapt th’ papper deawn, th’ woif says—“ Duz to know ’im, thinks tu?” Duz to think aw know th’ rooad fro’ a quart o’ drink to mi meawth P Wor?’ Hoo agreed ’at aw did; un then hoo said aw mut ha’ bin soft to ha’ lat thi ha’ sin me marlockin’, un mayin’ a foo o’ misel’. Aw laighed, un said, “Bet, moi lass, theaw forgets thi yure’s gooin’ whoiter nor moin, un ’at folk arena, o’ on them, us cliver as thee; but aw’ll tell thi wot, aw’ll just wroit un ax yon lad to come o’er 0’

Setterday, toard dellit, for aw’ve getten to tell ’im abeawt th’ dooins of

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eawr club—wot we hadden when th’ king wer aloiv: ‘ Packs had Mains.’ But what sehs teaw ?” “If he’s a daycent chap, aw seh oi, ax him; if he isn’t daycent, yooan bi weel matched, chuz heaw! Onnigate, aw’st foind eawt ’ooa it is.’ ‘‘ Applins not, applins not,’’ aw sed. So neaw theaw mun come to thi afternoon baggin o’ Setter- day. Aw’st leeov this letter at th’ pleck theaw towd on.—That’s 0’, at

present, fro’ Owp Keptocx. P.S.—Eawr Bob’s gone to Bellasteawn new church, for he sehs his nooan beawn to be chetted eawt o’ ringin’ th’ oppenin peal—‘‘ The Blue Bells’’ o’ someweer ut aw know neawt abeawt. In accordance with this invitation, I visited Kedlock Ho on the occasion named, and, passing through the little garden of the cottage, I pulled the ‘“sneck-bant,’’ and, opening the door, walked into the lobby, a wide open passage with recesses in the walls, which at the time were occupied by good large bowls of milk set aside to cream. Speaking of these recesses reminds me of an anecdote which I heard in Manchester, some dozen years ago, and which I think is worthy of preservation. The narrator of the story (now dead), and five other girls, when about the age of sixteen years, were deputed to convey a coffin and foetus to be delivered to the sexton at Saddleworth Church for burial. Upon arriving at the church they found the porch filled with snow, so they carried the coffin and contents up to the sexton’s house, but he happened to be away from home at the time. The girls were asked to go indoors, and leave the coffin in one of these milk recesses until the sexton returned. On entering the kitchen of the inn (I think it was the Cross Keys) they saw there a man whom the mistress called Jone o Jack’s, and who sat quietly smoking and drinking a pint of ale; but shortly after their entry he arose and left, remaining absent about half-an-hour, when he returned, and resumed his previous occupation. At last the sexton came in, and they at once started off with the intention of burying the child, but their astonishment and bewilderment may be judged when they found, upon examining the recess, that the coffin had already been buried—from view. The sexton seems to have at once suspected this Jone o’ Jack’s, as he immediately returned to the kitchen and taxed him with having removed it. Jone, however, was stubborn, and declared he knew “ nowt at 0’ abeawt it.” They sought all

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“ KEDLOCK HO.” 169

over the place, both indoors and out, but all to no purpose ; while Jone kept on quietly smoking his pipe, neither moved by the distress of the damsels nor the entreaties of the sexton and his wife, although it was threatened that he “ should ha’ no mooar to sup till th’ coffin wer fund ;”’ so at: last Mr. Sutcliffe was sent for, and, upon arriving, immedi- ately exclaimed, “Oh, Mr. B——, you are here, are you! This is something like one of your tricks; you had better end the joke at once, and find the coffin.” No; Jone was as stupid as before, and cared as little for the parson as his sexton; so there remained nothing but to search again, but it proved as fruitless as the former one, until Jone o’ Jack’s, rising all at once in all the dignity of injured innocence, said, “If yoan amoind aw’ll help you to foind it.” This offer was course accepted willingly, and, more too, they took good care to let Jone lead the way, whilst they followed close behind. Through the lobby and upstairs, first into one chamber and then another the miserable group wandered, until at length, having reached the garret, Jone knocked down a heap of lumber in one corner, and disclosed the object of their anxious search. Resuming my story, at the end of the lobby at Kedlock Ho, I found a langsettle on my left hand, and, peeping over the top, I saw the bald pate of the old man I had come to see, wagging backwards and forwards in time with two things, “'Th’ Owdham Weddin,” which he was humming, and the motion of his right arm, which I saw was performing the operation of sharpening a razor on the smooth and greasy-looking backs of a small Bible. Before he discovered me standing behind him I had time to scan the apartment, and the first thing I spied was the old family chest, where he kept his “ owd pappers, und sich loik,” and close by the end of that again stood the old eight-day clock of carved oak, inscribed, ‘“‘ Tempus edax rerum,” and ornamented with many figures of fiends, &c., surrounding a shield, bearing the date 1658, and “J. & U. B.” Over the chest hung some two or three dried hams and a flitch of bacon, whilst the “bread flake” was heavily laden with oat cakes, and a few bunches of garden herbs placed there to dry. In one corner of the room stood an old fowling piece and a crossbow—relics handed down, as

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he told me afterwards, from some of his ancestors of the house of Byron. <A few small unframed oil paintings of crack dogs of the past generation ornamented the walls, and looked growling down upon the intruder. With a howl I worthy of a savage I disturbed my host in his operation, and after a good, hearty shake of my hand I was comfortably installed “i’th’ owd arm cheer, wi th’ qwishuns on.” When the old man had completed his toilet, and whet his whistle with a draught of home-brewed, he opened the chest, and produced a bundle of papers, saying, “ It’s toim wi started business. Aw mun tell you, th’ furst, ut eawr club wer nobbut started i’ fun a’th’ oppenin’ neet; ther wer me un owd Bill yon, un Bill o’ Bunter’s, unth’ Wharf Mill bog- gart, un toothri moor, wer 0’ on us drinkin’ deawn yonder, when summut wer said abeawt kings un princes, un sich loik, when Owd Lung Yers thowt ut if he’re.a king he could govern the world a deeal better nor some what sat uppo th’ throoans 7 thoos days; so ut once we constituted th’ ancient kingdom o’ Rag, un adopted a ‘coat armorial,’ as they kone it; but see yo, tak houd o’ this papper and read for thisel.” Taking hold of the paper, I found that it having been resolved that Lung Yers should be crowned king, a certain evening was set apart for the ceremony, which took place as follows :—Upon a table stood an empty nine-gallon cask, and seated upon it was the king elect, having around him all his officers of state, and the herald then proclaiming his royal estate and unfolding the banner of arms, az, a knife and fork in saltire arg. between a “ Saddleworth pot-bo”’ in chief, and another in base, and two pint pots in fess all of the second. Crest, a cuckoo choked with a pot-bo. Motto, “Reet ’s reet.” After a flourish of penny whistles, Sir Roy Leroyle mounted the steps of the throne, and placing the sceptre (a branch of flowering “ kedlock,” or ragwort) in the king’s hand, pro- ceeded to anoint him, by pouring over his devoted head about three pounds of treacle. The whole assembly then rose and poured forth most melodiously the notes of their adopted National Anthem.

God save our Kedlock King, Loud may his palace ring With mirth and joy.

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“ REDLOCK HO.” 171

May he have food in store, To give unto the poor ; For him we do adore— Our Kedlock King.

Oh! may his name be changed, From “Lung Yers”’ to Royal James, Our la king. May he our wants supply, And give us liberty, For unto him we cry, Our Kedlock King.

May he defend our land, And rule with lenient hand His kingdom Rag. May he our laws improve, And gain his people’s love; For him we do approve— Our Kedlock King.

On the 5th of November, 18—, His most dolorous Majesty issued the following proclamation :—“ To all whom it may concern, greeting. Be it hereby known and enacted, that we have commanded our right worthy and well-beloved counsellor, Sir Roy Leroyle, to make known and proclaim to all our loving subjects that a grand state ball will be held at the residence of Lord Fonteseefrog, Blenheim House, Stoneyregions, to commemorate the great and glorious victory achieved by His Majesty’s troops over the wild tribes of Deynyed and Pulesoid. Given under .our hand and seal, at our castle of Rag, the fifth day of Novem- ber, 18—. God save the king.”” In another document it appears that the said wild tribes were chastised for their hen-stealing propensities, and that, although they were severely punished for their offences, yet it was deemed ex- pedient that thenceforward the customary Harropdalian hen market should be abolished. (Rag MSS. xv., 2.) “ Be it also enacted that, taking into consideration the disorders of past years, this our said hen market is hereby closed; and we will and enact that in lieu of the rents and rates thereof our trusty and loving subject Titus Tightcanbe shall be allowed the annual sum of twopence three farthings from His Majesty’s exchequer.” reet so far,” said Owd Kedlock when I had finished ; “ and neaw for th’ officers o’

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t’ state. First ther wer me. Aw wer, wot dun yoh oo it, him what reads th’ sarimony un howds th’ spittoon for His Majesty to spit in—nobbut once aw wer rung, und geet o’th slaver ont’ mi yed isted o’ weer it shuld ha bin; but theaw sees—th’ king wer as drunk as a foo. Then, for th’ proim minister, we'd owd Foufoot, but we kersent him o’er again, un coed him Sir James Foufoot, but he wer raised to th’ upper heawse, wi’t’ title o’ Baron Valgus. Lord Kehyup wer th’ war minister, un Colonel Breetbelt commander-in- chief. Th’ tother officers wer these :—Sir Charles Crupper, lord o’th’ admiralty—un abeawt as fit for th’ job as a seawkin’ dove; the Hon. Warcock Hill, home secretary —uwun he’d abin th’ best awom; Duke Du Ment, foreign secretary; Lord Bonksgap wer th’ lord chancellor; and Sir Cheshire Cheesels were at th’ poor-law board. Besides these, mon, wid some moiner offices held by Berry- greeno Son, Lord Smallbarrow, Owd Soul (theaw knows th’ Owd Sowl, doesn’t tu?), Pontojigg, and others.” “But you don’t mean to say, Kedlock, that there is any truth in all this rubbish?” ‘Truth! it’s every wort on it true; un ther’s lots o’ foak livin’? Harropdale yet wot knows 0’ abeawt it. Ax Yed, o’th Thurn’s Clough, if hee’s theer, or Tom o’ Pule, or onni on’em. Aw tell thi it’s true, un, sithi, theer’s ‘th’ National Anthem 7’ print for thi’.” At this point old Betty, who had been out shopping, appeared upon the scene, heavily laden with provisions for the following week. Laying down her bundles, she eyed me from head to foot, evidently not knowing me, as she whispered to Owd Kedlock, shortly afterwards, “‘ Aw connot kersen ’im.” ‘‘ Neaw,” said her husband, “aw towd thi soh.” Then, turning again to me, she said she guessed I was ready for some “baggin,” to which I gave an affirmative reply. ‘Dun yoh loik milk or ale to yoar porritch?”” “Porritch, wench!” shouted Kedlock, “thurt nooan thinkin’ o’ givin’ porritch to a chap wot wroits for th’ pappers, art tu? Brains, lass, are nooan made wi’ porritch.” ‘Weh! heaw shud aw know? Dost think he’d drink a soap o’ mint tay?” “Ne’er ax him. Mak’ him summat gradely, or else tell th’ lad theaw’s nowt for him. Un bring my gronmother’s owd chayny eawt o’th’ cubbort

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i’th’ nook.” Tea passed over nicely, and then Kedlock and .I were to have our pipes and a glass of grog each. We had got gently into a conversation about herbs and wild plants in general, when the old man, as if by accident, said, “ Aw’ll tell thi what, Joe, lad, we mun gu up un see owd Botany Bill some day. He'll be feign to see thi.” “Joe, dostu co’ ’im?” said Betty. ‘“‘Whoi, whatever Joe is it? But aw think aw sin that meawth afore somewheer. ’Ooa is it, Ked?” “Oh! nobody wot matters mich, wench; he’s nobbut a feeree.” ‘A feeree, Bith’ mass, aw mun look agen at him then. Aw seh, maister, felly, Kedlock says yoh’re a feeree—it’s noan true, is it?” About a quarter-of-an-hour was taken up in another examination, when, laying aside her spectacles, and, looking first at me and then at her husband, she said, “Kedlock, owd mon, theaw’rt a foo! What for did to bring him here beawt tellin’ me ’ooa it wor, un then we met ha’ had summut dacent for him. But aw fun’ him eawt neaw.” ‘“ Has tu? ’Ooa is it, then?” ‘“‘Whoi, it’s little Joe o’ Jack’s lad. Bith’ heart’ye, is it?” ‘“ Egad, Betty, thurt reet for once, chuz heaw.” Time passed on, until the hour came for my departure, but Kedlock was determined that I should visit the king’s grave. It was totally dark when we arrived at the churchyard, but, with the aid of a candle borrowed from the inn, we were able to read the inscription on the stone, with the motto, “Pax ad Manes.” Leaving Owd Kedlock with some boon companions, I journeyed home- wards, with his last words ringing in my ears—

“Packs HAD MAINS.”

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Oft from the forest wildings he did bring.

we AT wer a neet,” said Owd Kedlock, on one Saki occasion when I had been conversing with him i} some time upon some of the old legendary lore of Saddleworth which he had learnt in his childhood. “Rooar! Aw should just think t’woind did rooar that neet, un aboon a bit. Toak abeawt fottin’ th’ slate stooans off! It ’ud ha’ fot th’ owd cherch steeple deawn if th’ dule could ha’ manisht it; but, for o’ he marlockt soh with choilt up at th’ Ho, th’ church wer eawt o’ his howd otogither. Thenks bi As aw sed, the neet wer a roof un, but o’th’ dee up to deelit wer as foin as ever yoh seed i’th’ middle o’ winter, un owd Ben o’ Bob’s, un th’ woif, theawt ther beawn to hev as foin a neet for th’ job wot wer to come off us ivver onnibody had; but they were loik other mortals, mon—thi’d ther ups un deawns i'th werld. It wer ‘up-hey’ when th’ choilt wer born, but th’ yed-weshin’ wer ‘derry-deawn,’ aw con tell yoh. But we’n o’ on us eawr troubles—foin fooik mostly i’ ther tempers, un poor fooak 7’ ther pockets.” I ventured to doubt whether he was altogether right in his supposition, but he was immoveable on the subject, and had evidently made up his mind that the rich could have no troubles except what arose “oather fro’ drink or bad temper.” As for himself— If he met chuse his sphere i’ loif, He’d aim not to be great,

But live remoat fro’ every stroif, Content i’ humble state.

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Pursuing this subject, he said he had “ Yerd tell o’ foin fooak un hed nowt to do but eyt un drink, un then gooa to bed, un, when thi geet up th’ next mornin’, start un do th’ I same job o’er again. No wonder ut the’r moydert to deeath for want o’ summot todo! That mak’ o’ wark ’ud nooan shute me. Neaw, by gar! Let me ha’ twenty moil o’ traddle wark onnidey before that. Yohn maybe yerd tell o’ that skeeam o’ Turmit Tom’s, heaw he saved th’ traycle brass. That shows, mon, what poor folk han to put up wi’. He’d been eawt o’ wark a lung toim, un o’ ’at they geet to eyt were porritch un traycle; but it wur hard to see o’th’ childer (un ther wer twelve on ’em) turned 0’ at once beawt dip to ther porritch, un Tom didna loik to see it, for he’re a good-hearted lad wer Tom. Soh, theaw sees, he troid to soften things as weel as he could. So one neet when they'd o’ getten ready for ther baggin, he says, ‘ Neaw, childer, which on yoh'll go beawt traycle i’ yor porritch for a hawpni?’ so they o’ on ’em sheawted ‘ Me,” mon, sharp. That wer sixpence eawt o’ Tom’s pocket, theaw sees; but th’ traycle wer saved, for, when they coom deawn to ther breykfast next mornin’, ther wer nowt but porritch, un those wot wanted traycle had to pay a hawpenny for’t, so bi that means Tom geet his sixpence back every mornin’, and saved his traycle at neet. Un then ther wer Joe 0’ Tom’s o’ Bill’s o’ Jack’s agen—him what wer a sowjer once, und desarted ; but he went back to his regiment, loik a mon, un showed hissel to th’ orsifer, who wer a daycent chap, un forgav him. Un what dun yoh think Joe’d laft his ° regiment for? Whoi, it wor nobbut to see some heawnd pups wot his bitch had had, un he woaked sixty moil wom, un sixty moil back again fair o’ purpose. Well, Joe deed, poor mon, but he wudna gu to th’ warkheawse, not he marry! He broke stooans upo’ th’ rooad, mon, as lung as he could howd a hommer. Theaw knew Jimmy Tootle, too, i’th’ latter eend of his days. He used to go a ‘hagan- nowin’ when he wer young, un when he geet owd he blew th’ orgin at Dobcross Chapel; but his own woint wer done before that i’th’ orgin, un he deed as poor as a church meawse. So, theaw sees, poor foak han mich o’ nowt but trouble, ’ut they connot help, whol o’th’ trouble foin foak

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han is, wit’ chaps when th’ woin tub’s empty, un wit’ women when Dame So-un-So goes to th’ cherch on Sundays wi’ new clooas on, un sees sumb’dy foiner donned nor hersel. But aw’m ramblin’ fro’ mi tale beloik, un mun poo back.” After telling me that Feeree Ho was the residence of one Ben o’ Bob’s, a clothier and small farmer, situated near the moor edge, and that on the occasion of some festivities being held to welcome the birth of a son and heir some most extraordinary phenomena occurred, Owd Kedlock proceeded :—‘ Aw wer abeawt one o’th’ first ut geet theer, but owd Carrbreyd woif wer afore me, un before aw’d gradely oppent dur hoo sheawted eawt, wi’ a voice loik a thunder-storm, ‘ Eh! Kedlock, mon, .do, preythi, come un look at this bonny choilt. Never wer ther born sich a pratty choilt i? Saddlewyrth afore—never, never! Look at it een, mon, feear loik doimons; aren’t they? God bless it! it’s worth o’th’ ’ool it parish.’ Neaw, theaw sees, Carrbreyd woif wer th’ choilt gronmother on th’ mother soid, so aw thowt aw’d hai her ona bit. ‘It’s a meterly foin choilt,’ aw said, ‘but doesna it look rayther queer abeawt it yed, someheaw— rayther to’ big ot tone soid loik, un too little ot tother, as if it didn’t hang streyt on th’ hinges?’ ‘If theaw cudna com beawt blackin’ th’ choilt theawd better ha’ stopped awom,’ said th’ owd woman; un aw oansert, ‘Oh! aw didna know aw said eawt rang, but if aw have aw’ll make up for’t i’th’ tay un rum loin as soon ast’ baggin’s ready.’ Hoo seemed quoiter after that, so aw leet mi poip, un keawred uppo’ th’ arston till t’other fooak coom, un heawever it wer manisht to foind reawm for ’em o’ aw conno’ tell. Ben o’ Bob’s woif sat ith’ yezzy chair bith’ foir, as hoo’d done o’ her wark but milkin’ t keaws abeawt dellit. Owd Ben hissel kept woakin’ abeawt loik a three-week-owd poot lookin’ for a neest egg, un th’ visitors coom, tone after another, un keawered ’em deawn wheer they could. Well, we'd a reet good tay, wi’ whoit bread to it (for we o’ et ooatcake 1’ thoose days), un spois loaf, un cheese, wi’ ale, for those ’ut loikt it, un meawfins for th’ owd wimmin. But owd Carr- breyd woif, mon, ne’er gav o’er talkin’ abeawt ‘that pratty choilt’ o’ th’ toim tay were agate, un hoo’d nobbut abeawt seventeen mugsful, wi dollops o’ rum i’ every one; un what

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‘“MEEREE HO.” ~ 177

wer th’ consikens, thinks tu? It’s natral theaw’ll guess. When hoo geet up hoo wer deawn; so owd Ben un another . chap geet ’owd of her yed un showthers, un owd Betty, o’th’ Fowd, of her legs, un they carried her, wilty-shalty, upsteers into th’ ool choamber. Aw met ha’ lifted mysel, but aw wur busy, theaw sees, tryin’ to find th’ bothom of a quart mug—one o’th’ owd-fashunt mess-pots, such as they han noan on neaw. Well, after that, we o’ geet streyt, un started a praisin’ th’ choilt (us wer’n expected, aw guess), un th’ *baccy box wer handed reawnd. Then sum’dy sung ‘ Farewell to Monchester,’ un a lot moor sungs o” for it wer noan forgetten then, mon; un then owd Woindy Bags (for aw mun tell thi he wur theer) said he wer beawn to sey some verses abeawt warlocks un witches. Thinks aw, ‘Neaw for’t! If he starts o’ that he’ll ne'er stop of hissel, but aw mun skeeam it 0’ some shap to mak him breyk deawn afore hi’s finished his piece.’ It were just comin’ dellit, so thoose wot had a lung way to woak wom said it wer noan fear ‘ut thi should start a tellin’ boggart tales to fear em uppo’ ther gate wom. ‘ Aw dunnet care, said owd Woindy Bags ; “aw come fair o’ purpose to say it, un aw will seh it, shuz what comes.’ So he brasted streyt off (giving a considerable portion of the narrative of “Shantooe Jest,” by Shaw, the Apiarian). But th’ woint had ta stop just then, aw con tell yo; for just as th’ owd mon wer oppenin th’ next verse owd Bennie woif jumpt awf th’ seeat, un said it wer toim for her to be milkin’, un, as hood noan let onni o’ t’other women do it, hoo laft them to look after th’ choilt what wer i’th’ creddle, seein’ ’at th’ owd woman haddent getten reet yet. As soon as hoo’d gone wi't’ cans, owd Woindy Bags wer ready to start agen, when we yerd a neyse, un th’ dur oppened gently, when in woaked a big, strappin’ felly, donned 7’ halliday clooas, un, after he’d said some mak o’ foin toak wot aw couldna’ underston’, he woak’d across th’ ’arston’, look’d i’th’ creddle, un then keawred him down i'th’ yezzy cheer at th’ obe-end. Theaw should ha’ sin Woindy Bags, mon; he fear whackert agen, just as if it wer one o’th’ bog- garts he’d bin toakin’ abeawt come to fot him som’weer weer he didna’ want to goo. But th’ chap looked o’ reet, fear quoiet loik, un drunk his ale un had his ’baccy loik onni on


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us; but Woindy Bags said no mooar o’ his verses that neet, he’re too feart. Th’ stroanger soon axed us heaw it wer ut wern so loivly, for he could see ut thi wer sum mak of a dooment goin’ on, soh, bein’ th’ bowdest on ’em, aw just towd him ut th’ prattiest choilt i Saddl’with wer hevin’ it yed wesht. Then he geet up agen, un went tuth’ creddle, un, us th’ choilt wer wakken, he took howd on’t for a minute, un then clapt it deawn agen, sehin’ (wi’ what aw thowt wer a bit of a Friarmerish twang), ‘ It is a foin choilt ; _& varry foin choilt.” When he sat him deawn agen, aw thowt aw see’d a choilt’s hont hengin’ eawt o’ his cooat-lap ket, un Woindy Bags towd mi ut after ut he’d sin it when e coom in wot made him whacker so. Owd Betty o’th’ Fowt started a tellin’ a tale abeawt Cheetham i’th’ Chew; heaw, abeawt th’ toim when hoo wer a wench, he’d run awa wi’ a choilt o’ sum’dy’s, un when they fund it on th’ boug of a tree, i’ Grenfilt, one of it legs were grown fast to th’ tree. They did o’ they could to get it lose, but th’ mooar they pood at th’ choilt, un lunger it leg grew, so ’at, when they'd getten th’ choilt to th’ greaund, t’one leg wer nobbut loik a bent bough, so they decoided to cut it off abeawt th’ reet length, un get a new foot turned; but it wer a wood leg as lung as it livt. ‘ That’s noan true,’ said th’ stroanger, ‘for aw know o’ abeawt it; it wer me.’ Witheawt sehin’ a word moor, up went his foot, and deawn it coom up o’th’ ’arston’ wi’ a force, mon, ut fearly split it i’ two. Just then we yerd owd Bennie woif at th’ dur wit’ milk, but afore hoo’d hawf toim to oppen th’ dur ther rowlt deawn th’ steers a gradely bag o’ ’ool, un, leetin’ just o’th’ back o’th’ dur, fear brogged it up. Just as we wer thinkin’ abeawt sammin’ it up, deawn coom th’ pot delf, un o’th’ delfware, reyt on to th’ top o’th’ creddle, wit? choilt in it; unth’ neyse ther wer 7’ that hole—wot with choilt skroikin’, un th’ women bletherin’ un th’ owd felleys troyin’ to keep ’em o’ quoiet, theaw never yerd th’ loik. Aw turned reawnd to look at th’ stroanger, un, as aw did soh, he’d just getten th’ t’one foot on to th’ top bar, un, before aw could sch trapstick, he’d whipt th’ choilt eawt o’th’ creddle, un, sheawtin’ eawt ‘ Griffin Fact’ry Marr!’ ther coom a flash of leetnin’, un he wer up th’ chimley in a snifter. But didn't he leeov a stink behind

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HO.” 179 him—booath soot and sulphur. Well, as soon as we could poo eawr wits together, we o’ rushed to th’ creddle, un theer, sure enough, wer th’ choilt, wot we thowt had gone up th’ chimley, safe un seawnd asleep ; so th’ next job wer to shift th’ bag o’ ’ool eawt o’th’ gate, but noan on us ’ud touch it for a lung toim, for owd Windy Bags swore it wer Delph Will come again. But at last Owd Thrum eawt o’th’ Meg- hole said he didna’ care for noan o’th’ lot on ’em, oather boggarts or feerees, soh he took a run-burr punce at th’ ’ool, when o’ at once it rowlt o’er, as if it wer’ tryin’ to stond, un cudna’, un set up sich a yell ’ut feart o’th’ young womin into th’ doldrums, or summut or other, soh ’ut we had to shuv brunt papper into ther noaase-holes, un put kyanpepper into ther een, to bring ’em reawnd; un it did it, too, aw con tell thi, for, if they haddent bin boggart feart, they’d ha’ cleart that hole i’ foiv minutes. Th’ ’oolpack kept troyin’ to stond, but it wer no use, for Owd Thrum kept puncin’ it every time it stirred, till Owd Ben 0’ Bob’s sehs, ‘ Poo it into th’ middle o’th reawm, Thrum, un let th’ woif com’ in ;’ but they cudna’ do it, mon, it wer too heavy. ‘ Roiv it oppen,’ said Jim 0’ Jackey’s. ‘Oi, roiv it oppen,’ said Sal o’th’ Hee Feelt, un let’s see wat’s in’t.’ ‘Poo-me eawt,’ said th’ ‘ool- pack (but th’ wenches didna’ fo’ sick this mon); then th’ voyse coom agen, but smoort loik, ‘Poo me eawt, win yo’ ?? * Ti’s aloiv,’ says Thrum; bi th’ mass is it. Reych us th’ sithers, win yoh ?? Owd Bennie gav’ him th’ snuffers mistake, but Thrum clapt his hont uppo’ th’ carvin’ knoif, un split th’ bag up Y a jiffey. Un what does tu think wer rth’ insoid on’t, Joe? Ther wer plenty o’ ’ool, un 7th’ middle o’ that, loik a cork in a bo’ o’ worsted, wer Owd Carrybred’s woif, just getten sober wi’ her fo’ deawn steers. It looks us if, when hoo wer comin’ reawnd, feelin’ hersel’ cowd, hoo’d croppen into bed, us hoo thowt, un geet nearly smoort tut deeath i’'th’ ’ool, un then, wi troyin’ to heyve her yed fro’ under th’ clooas, hoo’d manisht to rowl in at th’ top o’th’ steer’s yed. But hoo wer wacken enoof when hoo seed th’ pot-delf uppo’ th’ floor, un o’ th’ plates brokken ; un soh wer Ben 0’ Bob’s woif, as soon as hoo could oppen th’ dur, for hoo laft th’ milk at th’ eawtsoid, un took a stroid abewt four yards lung to th’ soid

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o’ th’ creddle, un, sammin up th’ choilt, hoo hugged it just as if it bin ‘Th’ prattiest choilt i’ Saddl’w’rth,’ as it gron- mother said it wer. Theaw’s sin th’ sun shoinin’ throo’ moor groim when ther a lad, has unt tu; aw know theaw has—monny a toim on th’ top o’ Harrop Edge un Pots un Pons—afore theaw laft th’ owd wom; but aw guess thurt a bit soil-bund yet, artna lad? Well, that’s reet; chuz weer theaw guz, ollus think weel o’ thi mother country un thi faytherlond. Well, it wer just same as th’ sun commin’ throo’t’ moist at Feeree Ho when they fun ther wer nowt wur nor an empty pot-delf un a cracked harston’, so we tapped another barrel, un geet agate agen rect merrily, th’ young women un o’. We kept on smookin’ un suppin’, but we .towd no mooar boggart tales that neet, for we'd summut else to do. It wer happen abeawt two heawrs after th’ stroanger (whether it wer owd Marr or his mester) had gone, when owd Thrum nudged me un said, ‘ Howd thi neyse mon, and seh neawt, but tay a glent o’ th’ choilt wilt tu.” Aw did as aw’re towd, for th’ choilt wer seawkin’ it pap qwoitly, but when aw lookt at it, mon, it made me feel as if aw could ha jumpt eawt o’ mi shoon, for theer wer Bennie woif nursin’ un cuddlin’ noan o’ th’ prattiest choilt i Saddlurth, but as feaw a red-yedded squint-eed a feeree us ivver theaw seed. <A beg thi pardon, lad, thurt noan hurt, art tu? Au meeun theow’ll forgie mi for sehin feeree, winnut tu? But it wer a feeree; toak abeawt it een bein’ loik dimonds; as owd Carrbreyd woif said, why, mon, it skenned wer ner a ferret, un stunk wer nur a foomart. owd Thrum back agen, un said, ‘ Hadna we better be gooin’, before thi foind it eawt, for ther'll bi a bonny row when it turns it een up, if owd Carrbreyd woif seesem?’ So aw drunk up mi ale, un donned mi hat ready for gooin’ wi owd Thrum, but wern to lat, just to lat, for th’ young powsment of a boggart- choilt turned it yed, un laight at me us if aw’d bin one o’th’ feeree breed misell. Sithi, Joe, ifaw'd had howd o’ that choilt just then, theaw’d ne’er ha bin akin to th’ feeree us lung us theaw'd livt, for aw'd a screwed it little red yed reawnd till it woindpoip wer twisted into a hank—+th’ skennin’ little devil—but aw know theaw duzunt care, un it’s weel for thi, mebbi, or applins will be i’ theaw prints this, for there’s

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““ PEEREE HO.” 181

some ut’ll may gam on it. As soon as th’ choilt turned it yed reawnd un laight, owd Carrbreyd woif catcht seet on’t, un skroikt eawt loik a theausand jackasses i’ a pinfowt. ‘Good lorjus days! whativver han yoh bin dooin’ tu my pratty choilt? Yohn deed it yure, i gadlins, but whativver for?’ ‘Wi that, everybody went to look at the’ choilt, un thi seed at oncet what wer to do, un owd Betty o’th Fowt lookt up th’ chimley, to see if hoo could see eawt o’th’ felly what had swopt th’ childer, but hoor too lat, be a lung we. Ben o’ Bob’s woif fainted fair off after banging th’ choilt deawn uppo th’ arston; un as for Ben, aw thowt hid a brasted, he’re so full. Owd Carrbreyd woif wer sin woipin’ her meawth, un when hoo seed hoo wer fun eawt, hoo turned her face tuth creddle, but started back we a skreeam, us if ther another boggart i’th’ gate; un so ther wer, for just then ther loapt eawt o’th creddle one o'th’ foinest hares ut ever aw seed, un up it jumpt streyt to th’ latch hole 7’ th’ dur (for they had no a lock to it then), un through it pop’d, loik a streak a leet. Owd Thrum un me, un tothri moor, followed it reyt reawnd bi th’ church, un deawn th’ Pickil Clouf, till it doublet up bi t? Breawnhill, un at th’ last we lost seet on’t it th’ Owd Ley, wheer th’ ghost used to be sin before they built Saddleworth Station.” I asked Owd Kedlock what he thought about the fact of an urn full of bones having been found in the self-same spot where tradi- tion says a ghost had been seen for centuries. “ It does not need mich thinkin’ abeawt,”’ said Owd Kedlock, “ when wi known o we dun abeawt boggaris un feereen, un we conna deawt but what sum o’th’ breed on ’em buried it theer ; mebbi th’ Breawnhill hare itsel, as it keeps bein’ sin: neaw un agen, first ut tone spot, un then ut another; one dee bi ut th’ Breawnhill Owd Ley, un th’ next eytin’ th’ fleawers at Marslonds, or else sceawrin’ up th’ road to th’ Runnin’ Hill, un fro theer to th’ Royfielts—but they sen it hasna bin sin theer latly—un then it ollus goes back tuth owd spot wheer it mays it wom, someweer on th’ moor abeawt Pots un Pons, or a little bit nar Grenfilt; theaw knows wheer I meean.” “But how did Ben-o’ Bob’s and his wife get on with their changeling ?” “ He were a moance, mon, wer that ‘chagelin’,’ as theaw ko’s

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it. Th’ first neet jy «it they didna tay mitch notis on't, .for owd Garr icysir-wolf sed it wur noan o theer’s, un it meet dee if it would. Owd Bennie leet th’ lanthurn, un set of a seechin’ th’ prattiest chotit i’ Sad- dlurth, but he’d noan gone so far before he fell deavn an owd stooan-delf un broke th’ tone arm, besoid toothri teeth eawt, so thinkin’ he’d enoof booath boggarts un childer, he made his way wom, thinkin’ he’d do th’ best he could for th’ choilt, un applins owd Marr meet send his own back agen some dee. Well, he browt it up as weel as he could, but it wer never fit for mitch i’th’ wark loin, for, owin’ to it skennin’, theaw sees, everything it did wer cross-honded too. If he axed it to wheel th’ barrow for him, it troid it best, but it wer no use, poor thing, for as soon as it geet into th’ shafts, which it did bi getting o’er th’ trindle into the barrow, un then jumpin’ deawn between th’ shafts—for as aw towd thi, it could do nowt streyt, it skenned soh. As soon as it geet into th’ shafts it crossed it hands 7 front of it, un catchin’ eawd o’th’ left hand shaft wi’ it reet hond, un o’th’ reet hond shaft wi’ it left hond, it woated th’ barrow o’er in a minute. Some foak said it wer nobbut oavishness o’th’ imp, but aw never said soh, for aw seed he could na help it, un aw took tu’th’ lad, too, after aw’d known him a bit, un he used to come to eawer heawse wi’ moor gam eggs sometoims, un sometoims wi’ some 0’ his own kinsfolk abeawt dellit, but aw wer ollus mum then, I for thi nivver hurt us, but mebbi an odd toim or two thi’d come i’th’ neet un weyv mi toothri thruts when awd a bad warp, but they paid thersels mooastly eawt o’th’ buttery, but it werna mitch, theaw knows, ut little foik loik yoh— aw meean thoose, aw meean thoose—ud want. But th’ lad wer ollus wanderin’ off on to th’ moors, mon, un sometoims he’d goo wom to Bennie’s at neet wi’ a lot o’ childer at nobody knew (th’ little powsement, ut he wer), un theer th’ young varmints ut play o maks o gam o’th’ neet throo, till th’ cock crowin’, when they o scuttered off tu’th’ moors somewheer, o but Bennie lad, un then hi’d sit him deawn un croi hissel to sleep. When he geet a mon he wer ollus very quoit, un woak'd wi’ his yed deawn, but he didna sken s0 bad as when he’re a lad, but lookt just a bit queer

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‘‘ PEEREE HO.” 183

abeawt tone ee, same as o’ th :d on ’em does neaw. Well, he geet wed, un had children, un at last he deed— fear wasted away—one morn tk.:y fun*.,him abeawt thick- ness of a besom steyl, un th’ mornin’ after he’re abeawt th’ br:th $f a darnin’ needle, un th’ mornin’ after that they cudna foind him ato. But he never grumbled to dee 1’ bed comfortably, loik some o’ yer rich foak wot nivver want to dee at o, nor he’d noan to be taen to th’ warkheawse to be made to dee loik a Christyun, as some poor foak han. Neaw! he’re a bit queer at toims, loik th’ best on us, but aw darseh he livt as weel as he could, un he deed as gentle us a lamb.”

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“ Sotanp: Bill,”

In woods and glens I love to roam, When the tired hedger hies him home ; Or by the woodland pool to rest, ‘When pale the star looks on its breast. . H. K. Wuire.

=m|NOTHER time I wended my way to Kedlock Ho ; 4*¥4| not for a quiet chat with Kedlock, not to be scru- tinised by his homely wife, not to hear those sweet old bells—to me sweeter than hundreds of others heard in England and abroad—not to hear again the story of the Brownhill hare! This time I purposed, with old Kedlock’s guidance, and, by his invitation, to visit, in his company, his old friend and employer Botany Bill. I had risen early that morning, and arrived at Kedlock’s just as the family had sat down to breakfast. The old woman was rather “thunderstruck” at seeing me so early, but her husband being nunquam non paratus, or always prepared, _ according to his motto given him at his club, and which he freely translated “Ready for owt”—he, I say, was not surprised, but, without any ceremony whatever, said, “‘ Poo thi cheer up, mon. Win noan etten up yet, un there’s another spoon summer. Wench, bring a spoon, wilt tu?” Old Kedlock seemed to have forgot his former remark that ‘brains are noan made wi’ porritch,” for the breakfast consisted of that healthy mixture, and around it sat the

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whole family, in true Saddleworth fashion—I mean the old fashion before they: began to live on “slops.” In the eentre of a round table stood a large piedish full of porridge, and in front of each individual, with one exception, stood a pint basin of milk. That one exception was Old Kedlock imself, who remarked, “'Theaw sees, Joe, porritch un milk’s o’ reet for lads un wenches, but owd folk han tickle stummicks, mon. Owd Queen Bess—thi coed her good Queen Bess becose hoo livt weel i’th’ eytin’ loin—hoo wer one o’th’ reet mak, un aw wish we’d mooar loik her (i’th’ eytin’ loin, theaw knows, 7’ nowt else, nobbut pluck—un that folk’ll ha’ if they liven weel). Aw do o’ aw con, mon, to follow th’ good example, but beefsteaks, mon, are too hee ? proice, or else aw’d ha’ beefsteaks, un onions, un ale to mi breykfast, same as hoo did; but, as aw connot afford it, aw may missel’ content wi’ porritch un ale, un when th’ childer (the youngest of them was over thirty) sheawten up th’ steers ‘Th’ baggin’s ready,’ aw ne’er ax ’em what there is to’t, for aw’m ‘ready for owt.’”’ One dip into the porridge by all round the table, and then into the milk, and thence into their mouths, and this several times repeated soon emptied the dish, and breakfast was over. ‘ Aw guess theaw stopp’d at th’ ’Are un Heawnds,’ i’th’ Uvermill 0’ neet?”’ said Ked- lock ; ‘‘ ther dacent folk, mon, are Garretts, un noan too hee wi’ ther prices. Aw know’d a chap wonst wot coom eawt 0’ Yorsher late ut neet, un they wudna’ have him ut th’ tother ‘’otels,’ ast? brawsen foos ko’ ther jerry shops; neaw, not when they know’d him, but when he geet tuth’ ’Are un Heawnds, amung strongers, they took him in; un reet, too, for he’re as daycent a lad as thee. Ivver sin then, mon, aw’ve allus sed th’ un Heawnds for moi brass. But we mun be gooin’. Wench, has’t getten er baggin ready ?” The old woman then produced a large bundle from the and Kedlock, swinging it over his left shoulder, said, “‘ Now aw’m ‘ready for owt.’ Come on, Joe.” Bidding the old woman good morning, we trudged on our road towards Botany Bill’s, but, finding too many acquaintances meet us on the high road, we turned off into one of those grass-covered old lanes which, since the days of pack horses, have become mere sheep gates for the drovers, who send

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their flocks down for winter pasture into Derbyshire. Fine old lanes some of them are, overhung with the sweet- smelling haw in the spring time, its berries gradually ripening and reddening as autumn approaches. Gently trickles the water down the hedge banks, over the scale-like hepatica, or liver-wort, into the lane-side ditch where the blue-flowered brooklime and the lesser celandine luxuriate together in beds of ‘“ duck weed.” Then, again, the wild strawberry on the banks, with germander, speedwell, and ground ivy, sometimes also with the viola-tricolor, or blue violet, live together under the friendly shelter of some bramble, amongst whose branches are intertwined the tendrils of the convolvulus sepium, or bind-weed, with its snow-white flowers and bright green leaves. Then, again, by some dry old wall, the honeysuckle throws its scent upon the air, the stonecrop rears its yellow flowers, and the scabions and figwort spring from the soil where little else would grow ; and perhaps a few “ yeth-bobs” (erica vulgaris), or bushes of the vaccinium myrtillus, or bilberry, with its deep blue juicy berries, line the road sides as we approach the moors. Many a cosy resting place for the traveller, many a rippling brook for the thirsty, many a quiet nook for the pensive student, do these old lanes possess. The cottage of Botany Bill stands alone on the wild moor, at the junction of two roads, one of which has long been disused, except by foot travellers, and the other one is only used as a near cut from one outlandish place to another equally so. In adeep hollow between these roads is also the remaining portion of an older road, marked on the Ordnance maps “ Roman road,” but I have not men- tioned it as such in the previous sketches, as tradition, and probably truthfully, says it was made by “Blind Jack, of Knaresborough.” The only portion of this road now remaining is an old archway—something similar to the Thieves’ Bridge on Standedge—which leads us from the high- road to the botanist’s cottage, situated on the bank of a small pond, where a few ducks, and occasionally a goose or two, enjoy a fowl paradise. At the back of the house, and extending to the water edge, is the small garden, where William grows such plants as may be cultivated; mint,

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and thyme, and marjoram ; “ bawn,” and betony, and golden rod, with many other useful plants; whilst near the end of the house, opposite the bridge, rises abruptly an eminence, upon which the Danes are said to have planted their raven standard during one of their conflicts with the Saddleworth Saxons. On approaching the house Old Bill came out to meet us, in all the gorgeousness of his “ halliday clooas,” shepherd’s plaid trousers, a light waistcoat, fretted with green trellis work, up which ran the branches of some unnamed plant, bearing many red and yellow flowers, and a faded blue coat, with a green patch on the left elbow, which, with the addition of a flowery neckerchief, completed his costume. In age he appeared younger than Kedlock, and his features were fuller, and of a more blooming complexion, especially his nasal organ, which, from having originally been a“ pug,” had now developed into what is commonly called a “‘ bottle nose,” and had something the appearance of about two inches of Bologna sausage stuck endways above his lips. His house had much the appearance of Kedlock’s. An eight-day clock, langsettle, chest, and a few chairs, with a three-legged table, furnished the room after the ordina manner; but a small case of books, a pot shelf filled with dried herbs, in paper bags, and a shelf running across the room, on which were perched a few hens, were extras, not found. in every cottage. We soon got comfortably seated round a good turf fire, and made ourselves “at home,” as if we had all been boys together. ‘ Has’t getten no doiet drink, Bill?” said ‘Owd Kedlock. ‘‘ Yoi, lots,’ answered the botanist ; which mak wil tu ha—th’ barrel cordyel, or the bottle stuff?” “Oh, theaw meh bring the bottle eawt, mon, but win ha abeawt a quart o’th’ cordyel first, un th’ liniment ut after.” For a few minutes Botany Bill retired through an inner door, and then returned with a large jug full of frothy liquid in one hand, and a jar of tobacco in the other, and placing them upon the table, he again disappeared, returning this time with a medium-sized carboy, ornamented with a gilt hieroglyphic, as if it had once decorated some chemist’s window. He placed the bottle down on the table, by the side of the jug, and then producing three of those old-fashioned horn drinking cups,

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he filled them to the brim, saying, ‘‘ Aw’d ha browt thi th’ leather jack, Ked, but theaw’d ha emptied it just as soon as a smo hurn, so theaw mun may th’ best theaw con on it. Aw know neawt abeawt th’ soiz o’ yoar gullet, mester stroanger, but tak howd un sup; yoh’ll foind it toothsome, for it is as good wom-brew’d as ivver wer made, un it’s neer been taxed noather—it’s o made fro yarbs, that is, cowt’s foot, un dandelion, un theawsun-leaf, un keawslips (just a toathri, for there isn’t monni hereabeawts), un sum berm to work it, un it’s made. Sometimes aw put toathri o nettles in, un sum wurrumwood, but noan so offen. It’s better nor o’ th’ public heawse mawt drink; but aw con do wi a soap o’ that as weel sometoims.” I looked at his nose, which was then shining like a beacon light as the rays of the morning sun fell upon it, and I believed him. “ Oi theaw mee weel look, lad,” broke in Owd Kedlock, “ that nooas were noan doctort wi doiet drink ; neaw Scotch meyl (I expect he meant cochineal) un noan dee it that colour; feel at it lad, it’s as wot as a thunnerbowt.” “Neer thee fasch thi brains wi that, Ked,” said Bill, in reply, “ it’s aboon thy larnin’, mon, un foak wot han to do wit’ mysteries ar’na loik other mortals, mon.” ‘ Weh! con may thi own drink un physic theaw’s no need to be preawd, mon, aster? Neaw, by gar, not when theaw has tu ha an owd bobbin woinder seetchin’ yarbs for thi o’ up un deawn th’ cloofs unt’ moors at o’ heawers at neet, when the planets or on th’ reet soid eawt. But aw conno tell what th’ planets, as theaw koes ’em, han getten to do wi buttercups, un blue bells—iron stinks theaw kos ’em— un daisies, un dog-stinkers. If ther’s onni vartu in ’em use em seh aw, but prehthi let th’ planets stop weer tiare else when foak sin thi nooas thi’ll think it’s Mars woakin’ abeawt to cool hissel. But pleos thisell, wist noan fratch abeawt it. Aw wish theaw’d bring it eawt for him to see.” I wondered what this “it” could be, for it was evidently something in which Kedlock thought I should take an interest, but it was soon explained when the botanist pro- duced from the chest a something tied up carefully in a large blue and white “check handkerchief,” and which he handed carefully to our other friend, who, untying the

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parcel, took from it a good-sized square book, and, marching up to me, with the proud air of a young woman exhibiting her first child, he said, ‘‘ Theer, that’s th’ book o’ yarbs un planets; eawr Sal’s noan beawn to foind it yet—not for o’ th’ yethbobs uppo Stanedge, as aw towd thi befooar.” I could see at a glance that it was ‘“ Culpepper’s Herbal,” a book which, if we except the Book and “ Pilgrim’s Pro- gress,” is perhaps more prized than any other work to be found in the old cottage homes of Saddleworth. “It’s a varry good book in it’s way,” said Bill, “ varry good; but I it wer noan written for Saddleworth. Win noh gentian two feet hee, no meawntin flax noather, but th’ pickters are good, and that’s abeawt o’ it’s worth, for aw gone o’ through th’ book, un there isn’t tone hawf o’th’ plants ut he tells on ut groos abeawt here. Owd Ked could tell yoh what yarbs he gets for me, nobbut he’s getten sum queer names for ’em. Tay some bottle stuff, Ked, un lest yer th’ list.” Kedlock began his botanic ramble thus :—“ Th’ furst aw go into th’ feelt narst wom, abeawt foiv i’th’ mornin’, when Sol’s i’th’ assendunt—that’s reet, isn’t it, Bill?—un gets grund oivy un yarb Robert; then aw gu to Wharmton for scabby uns—noan o’th’ devil bit mak, but tother—then on to Harrop Edge for orghins mak you late, un o’ up un deawn for Bell’s prentice, tussle und go, plant a go Major Euphras i’ office—aw wish he’d moin—beat a nica—chuz what that is—capsella—un it ud cap Ryna too—un when aw getten o’ thees aw ha to ko at th’ tunnel meawth for some scorpions, as he kos it, but it’s nobbut broom.” “ That'll do, Ked, but cudna tu ha gan ’em summut o this shap: Wharmton for scabions, Harrop Edge for orchis maculata, un other places for th’ Bellis perennis, or common daisy ; tussilago, or cowt’s foot; plantago major, or plantain; euphrasia officinalis, or eebreet; betonica, or betony; cap- sella bursa pastoris, or shepherd’s purse; un spartium scopa- rium, or common broom. Then theaw knows erythrina centaurium sanctuary, or else sentry—yer thi me neaw whol aw troy tu teych thi another toim, but awm ommost deawn o’ ever mayin a clivver felly on thi; theaw meh applins get promoted to a yarb stoddin’ i’ Tommy Feelt, i’ Owd’am, in abeawt a hundert yer, but if theaw does, dunnut goo uv a

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Setterdy neet, or theaw’ll bi punst eawt for a foo’. Ne’er troi to be a yarb doctor, for if theaw duz thu’rt shure to peighson sombody. But we’n ha’ th’ list o’ yarbs complete chuz how, un here it is:—On Harrop Edge groos arum maculatum, veronica chamedrys, convolvulus sepium, or bindweed ; euphrasia, or eyebright—a bonny little plant— gentiana canpestris, or field gentian ; ajuga reptans, moun- tain flax, un devil’s-bit-scabios. It’s a queer plant is that last, for whether you poo it up bi’th roots or dig it up its o’th same, for th’ root’s brokken off as streyt as if it had bin bitten, un owd folk sen ut th’ devil, bein jaylus o’th good it did to mon, bit th’ eend on’t off for spoit; but of o’th pratty flowers let me ha’ eebreet, wi it purple un whoit pencill’d etals, un that little spot o’ pure yolloh fear i’th middle. her's nowt ekal to it, nowt at o’. Then ther’s a feelt on Harrop Edge wheer keawslips groo, but dunnot poo ’em preh-yo yet; let ’em spreead a bit first, for ther noan used to th’ soil, un it ud be a shoam to kill’em. On Wharmton win getten th’ great scabios, centaury, betonica officinalis, or betony ; botrychiwm lunaria, or moonwort; digitalis pur- purea, or purple foxglove ; scrophularia aquatica, pulmonaria officinalis, figwort, fleawort, pilewort, un various other worts, noan forgetten th’ national plant ragwort—eh! Kedlock,mon, th’ owd king loiked it weel, didnut he?” ‘ Packs had mains,” replied Kedlock. ‘“ Then win primroses ( primula vulgaris)i’th Pickil Cloogh, sanicle i’th Damyed-lone gooin to’th Shays, rubus chamemorus or cloudberry uppo Broadstone, in Diggle, un’ i’ other spots win getten savifragia varia, ranunculus Jicaria, ranunculus auricomus, ranunculus acris or buttercup, glechoma hederacea, leontodon taraxacum or \oion’s tooth— commonly coed dog-stinker, un settry—hyacinthus non seriptus or bluebell, geraniwm molle, hieracium pilosella, conicera periclymenum, achillea mitlefolium or theawsun- leef, potentilla repens, scabiosa succisa, asplenium lanceo- latum, vaccinium vaccimum myrtillus (that’s wimberry), stellaria media, galium verum, rubus fruticosue, oxalis acetosella or sorrel, tormentilla senecio jacobea, un’ alchimilla vulgaris. If yoh connot get thees onniweer else yoh’n foind oather o’ or th’ moost on ’em i’ some o’th feelts abeawt th’ Church Bank’s broo un’ th’ Clough bottom. If

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yoh wanten feearns, oather polypody or osmunda regalis, or ‘eawt else ut grows abeawt here, yoh’n foind ’em up i’ Grenfilt. But aw mon sup, for aw’m droy. Help yorsel’, mester, to’th bottle stuff, yoh’n foind it noan bad takkin.” The “ stuff’ to which he alluded had the appearance of port wine, but was evidently some distilled spirit, though of what herbs he was uninclined to tell, merely intimating that the colouring matter was elderberry syrup—something better than longwood chips, or, as he called it, “ hematoxy- lon.” “Art noan bown to tell him how theaw mays thoos dro’-in playsters o’ thoin?” said Kedlock. ‘‘ Weh, aw dunnot mich care if aw do, for aw’m gettin’ owd, un’ it’s mehbi th’ best to leeov th’ saycret behind me: Yoh mun tak two peawnd o’ traycle, hawf-a-peawnd of venus turpintoin, th’ same o’ cobbler’s wax, half-an-eawnce o’ bridloim, un’ colour it wi’ soot. Yoh con spread it uppo eawt—brown papper for poor folk, un’ whoite silk for th’ quality.” ‘But theaw’s laft eawt o’th yarbs, mon.” “Yarbs? Who said it wer made o’ yarbs? If folk beleeven it, mooar foos ’um, sth aw.” “ Weh, if its noan made wi’ yarbs, heaw con it be rewl’t wit’ planets, same as theaw said it wer ut th’ booth ?” Ay thee, Ked, aw did think theaw’d had mooar wit. Eh, well!” Evening approached; the hens came indoors, and flew up on to their roosting shelf, whilst the waterfowl waddled forwards through a square hole cut in the bottom of the inner door, and made their bed in old Bill’s retiring room. Shortly afterwards there also came in, but very stealthily, a fine large hound, Bill’s sole and favourite companion. ““'Wheer’s theaw bin 0’ day, Spartan?” said the herbalist. ““Theaw owt to ha’ bin a’ wom when compani were here.” The dog looked at him wistfully, and then, retreating into a corner, curled himself up, and went to sleep. By this time Old Kedlock was getting into a state of perfect happiness, and was determined to sing in spite of all entreaties, and away he rattled :— If ale unexcis’d, jovial lads, you would buy, There’s an hush’t-man, named John, who liveth hard by ; His liquor will make you like to Pythagorus, And as eloquent, too, as Demosthenes was. Derry down, down, hey derry down!

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aw'm breykin’ deawn, aw’m feeart; but aw’ll gu on wi't’ last verse :— Come, you that love drink, as we hush’t-suckers do, And with boldness drive off the old gaugers from you, At catchpoles and bailiffs your vengeance let swing — Drink health to each hush’t house, and bless your old king! (Packs had mains !) Derry down, down, hey derry down! That’s o’ for to neet. Come, lad, let’s be gooin wom.” Just at that, instant the dog rushed suddenly from its corner to the hearthstone, and, looking towards the chimney, set up one of the most unearthly yells ever heard.’ “ Elloh!” said Ked, ‘“ aw loik noan o’ that, for, as shure as ever a heawnd yells loik that, ther’ll be news o’ death for thoose ‘ut yer it.” ‘“’Owd the foo's neighse, wilé tu? Connot tu let Spartan be quoiet neaw but theaw mun may him into a boggart? Larn wit someto1m, mon—do!” Soon after this we trudged homeward, accompanied part of the way by old Botany Bill and his faithful hound. When we next saw the old man his face was pale enough, for the pallor of death was upon him, and he lay smiling in his last sleep in an oaken coffin. After parting with us.on the. night of our visit, he had missed his way, and fallen down a clough, where his body was found the following morning; his ‘Spartan hound by his side, licking his gory head, and mourning over the dead form of a lost friend.

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1314.—Warinus de Scargil granted all his estate of Friar Mere to the Abbot and Convent of Roche, near Don- caster. 1535.—Sir William Taylor officiated as curate of Saddle- worth Church. 1536.—The estates of Whalley Abbey being confiscated by Henry VIII., Saddleworth Church was annexed to the paris of Rochdale. Previous to this Abbot Paslew, of alley, had taken part in the Pilgrimage of Grace against the king. The abbot roused the people by a beacon fire on Pendle Hill. ‘There was also one on Hades Hill, and on Bucton. 1543.—Arthur Ashton purchased Friar Mere of King Henry for £361 7s. 4d., paid in the porch of Saddle- worth Church, June 5th, in this year. 1551, May 27th.— Arthur Ashton divided the land of Friar Mere in equal portions between himself and Roger Gartside. © I 1592, Dec. 28rd.—The Rev. John Wri, minister of Saddle- worth, left ‘one oxe stirke” for the poor of the parish. 1622.—A clerk performed the services in the church, there being no regularly-ordained minister.


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1662.—Ralph Wood resigned the incumbency rather than take the oath of conformity. — 1710, Feb. 16th.—The Archbishop of Canterbury granted to William, Lord Byron, “a lease of his rectory, chapels, glebe lands, tythes, oblations, &c., &c, for twenty-one years, for the annual sum of £80 0s. 7d., and £15 to the schoolmaster, and £2 to the usher of the grammar school at Rochdale. Also, the said Lord Byron was to pay annually certain sums to the rector of Rochdale, and the curates of Saddleworth and Butterworth (Milnrow), and Lord Byron agreed to uphold and repair the chancel of the said parish church, and the said chapels of ease, during the said twenty- one years, under certain provisos.” 1711.—Western gallery of Saddleworth Church.erected by . Mr. Kenworthy. , 1714.—The parishioners of Saddleworth sent an address to Bishop Gastrell, praying him to allow them to select their own minister, “as, time out of mind, they had been accustomed to do;” but the application failed, and the “right of nomination” was confirmed to the Vicar of Rochdale. 1717.—The incumbent’s income from the church was certi- fied to be. £16 10s. 1721.—The Rev. Mr. Lees died, greatly regretted. 1729.—Ralph Hawkyard, of Tamewater, died, and left a sum of money to establish a free ‘school at Dobcross. 1742.—Hey Chapel built, and consecrated in 1744. 1746.— Delph Independent Chapel erected. 1758.—St. Thomas’s Church, Heights, erected. 1769.—‘ The old Sexton’”’ died, after forty-eight years’ service at the parish church. 1772.—A benefit society, or sick club for relieving members in sickness and providing funeral expenses, was insti- tuted in Saddleworth. 1777.—Mr. Whitehead, of Lydgate, died. He was father of fourteen children, grandfather of fifty-one, and great grandfather of eight. His monument is in the parish church.

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1781.—The present peal of bells at Saddleworth Church were cast at “Gloster Foundry,” by Thomas Rudhall. The steeple was erected in 1746. 1782.—The Earl of Sherburn first recommended the enrol- ment of volunteers. I 1786.—Holy Trinity Church, Dobcross, built at a cost of £1,619, collected by public subscription. 1787.—Saint Ann’s Church, Lydgate, built. 1788.—An organ, purchased by subscriptions, was placed in the parish church, where it still remains in use. 1790.—The minister of Lydgate turned soldier, and was drowned on the way to Holland. 1794.—The first act for the Huddersfield and Ashton Canal passed the house of parliament. By this date volunteer corps had been formed in all the principal towns. 1798.—The first Sunday School opened in Saddleworth. 1799, August 22nd.—The Druidical rocking-stone in Green- field destroyed by the miners from Standedge tunnel. 1801.—Broadbent, the poet, born in Friar Mere. 1807.—“ Ebenezer” (Congregational) Chapel erected at Uppermill. 1811.— Wesleyan Chapel at Uppermill erected on April 14th. In this year the Standedge canal tunnel was completed. 1812.—Luddite riots in full force. Mr. Horsfall, a manu- facturer of Marsden, murdered by the rioters. 1813.—The Saddleworth tithes were sold to the freeholders by Dr. Sutton, then Archbishop of Canterbury. 1816.—Mr. Bottomley’s poem entitled “ Greenfield” pub- lished, but is now scarce. 1826, April 24th.—‘ Delph Fight” between the “ upper end” and “lower end” ‘of Saddleworth. One man was killed. Junction School was opened in this year. 1825, June 30th.—The merchants and manufacturers of Saddleworth gave a public dinner, and silver cup of the value of fifty guineas, to William Hirst, of Leeds, as a testimonial of the high sense entertained of his abilities and perseverance as a woollen manufacturer, and of their esteem for his frankness and liberality in commu- nicating his improvements to the public. I .

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1826.—In July extensive fires occurred on all the West Yorkshire moors. 1828.—The first fair was held at Dobcross on the last Thursday in July of this year. (Butterworth.) 1829, January 13th.—Walkmill, Dobcross, destroyed by fire in the night time. 1830.—The old parish church was taken down, and the present one erected in this and the two following years. 1831.—‘ Saddleworth Prosecution Society ’’ instituted. 1832, April 2nd.—Wm. and Thos. Bradbury (Bill o’ Jack’s and Tom o’ Bill’s) murdered in Greenfield. 1883,— “the Saddleworth Bank formed into a joint-stock ank. 1840, April 28th.—Broadbent, the poet, died near Todmor- den. Uppermill Mechanics’ Institute founded. 1843.—A tower added to Dobcross Church, at a cost of £250. 1845, August 28th.—A public dinner, patronised by all the magistrates of the district, was given to all the men and women in Saddleworth aged seventy-seven and over. One hundred and thirty-two people, whose indi- vidual ages averaged more than eighty years, partook of this repast. The average death rate in Saddleworth per annum is about 20 per thousand. In this year Greenfield Wesleyan Chapel was erected. 1846.—A new steeple erected at the parish church by public subscriptions. 1848, November 1st.—Standedge Railway Tunnel completed ; cost £201,608 12s. 34d. The whole district from Saddleworth to Leeds was visited by a severe thunder- storm, by which many people were killed. 1849, April 14th.—A riot broke out amongst the “ navvies” employed in making the railway at Marsden and Milns- bridge. The railway was opened in this year. Christ Church, Friezland, erected by Messrs. Whitehead Bros. 1850.—Gas first introduced into Uppermill. 1851, October 10th—A mushroom found at Broadhead measured twenty-two inches in circumference, and weighed fourteen ounces. The population of the parish was 17,799, being an increase of 829 since the previous census.

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1852, February 5th.—Bursting of the Billberry reservoir, Holmfirth, occurred. 1853, May 10th.—A ver heavy fall of snow took place, and obstructed the traffic throughout the district. An exhibition was held in the summer, at Uppermill, for the benefit of the Mechanics’ Institution. 1856, May 29th—A general day of rejoicing on the close of the Russian war. A procession of gentlemen, men in armour, pensioners, societies, &c., paraded the principal villages, where the proclamation of peace was read by the deputy. 1856, July 4th—Branch line from Greenfield to Oldham opened. 1857, ‘August 14th.—A large flood devastated Saddleworth and neighbourhood, the damage in this parish being considerable. 1857, August 27th—James Platt, Esq., M.P. for Oldham, accidentally shot on the Greenfield Moors, near Ashway

Gap. 1858, J anuary 2nd.—The junior ringers of St. Chad’s rang 5,760 changes in three hours and twenty minutes. 1858, March 13th.—Saddleworth subscribed £400 to the Indian Relief Fund. 1858, May 16th.—Heights Chapel was struck by lightning, but no serious injury done. 1858, June 12th—Dr. Fearnley, of Dewsbury, laid the foundation stone of a new Mechanics’ Hall at Upper- mill, in aid of which Mr. 8. Lord, of New York, gave £500, and an annual subscription of £25. 1859.—New cemetery at St. Chad’s Church consecrated by Dr. James P. Lee, Bishop of Manchester. 1859, June 17th. —Uppermill Mechanics’ Hall opened by the Earl of Carlisle. 1859, September 24th.—A balloon from Stockport alighted, at midnight, upon the edge of Charnel Rocks, and the occupants had a very narrow escape. 1859, December 31st.—Trail hunt from Meltham to Star fn for £21, which was won by “ Bounty,” of Green- field,

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1860, January 5th.—Miss Louisa Vinning (the “ Infant Sappho”) sang at the mechanics’ soiree at Uppermill. Five hundred performers were engaged, but the result was a failure. 1860, February 1st.—The-34th West York Rifle Volunteers (Saddleworth) were instituted. 1860, March 3rd.— Foundation stone of a new aisle laid at Church, Friezland, in memory of Miss White- head. 1860, April 27th.—The pensioners of Saddleworth were paid £424 5s. 114d. 1860, May 26th.—Destruction of Diggle Paper Mill by fire. £5,000 damage done. 1860, September 29th.—The receipts for the Saddleworth division of the West Riding constabulary were £624 9s. 3id., and the expenditure amounted to £531 10s. 9d. for the year. The division contains 18,280 acres. 1860, November 21st.—A slight fire broke out in the Mechanics’ Hall at Uppermill. 1861, June 21st.—The great flood in Greenfield, by which Mrs. Bradbury and two children were drowned. 1863, September 25th.—First rifle match came off at Diggle, Joseph Travis winning the first prize—a rifle. 1861, October 5th——The volunteers presented Mr. W. T. Brook, their secretary, with a handsome testimonial. 1862, April 19th—A rifle match was shot at Diggle, between the 8rd Manchester and Halifax Corps, but resulted in a tie. 1862, April 22nd.—A match between eleven sets of ringers was rung at Meltham, Saddleworth gaining the first prize, having only made 619 faults, and in the last peal they only made 54 faults, which is said to be the least number on record. 1862, August 1lst—The 34th W. Y. R. V. attended the general review at Doncaster. 1862, August 9th—A shooting match took place at Diggle, between ten men each from the Saddleworth and Old- ham rifle corps, when Oldham won by 35 points,

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1862, August 25th—A grand ringing match came off at Saddleworth Church, between seventeen sets of ringers, the prizes being, Ist, a new flag and £10; 2nd, £7; 3rd, £5; 4th, £3 10s.; Sth, £2; and the 6th £1. The two sets who came the greatest distance and obtained no prizes were allowed 15s. each set for expenses. The prizes went in rotation to the following laces:—Meltham, Almondbury, Calverley, Shipley nior, Kirkburton, and Ecclesfield. 1862, September 27th.—A prize shooting match came off at Diggle. The winners were Col.-Sergeant John Buckley, Sergeant Joseph Wrigley, Corporals Smith, Cameron, and Slater, and Privates Travis, Earnshaw, Butter- worth, and Buckley. The prizes were distributed on the 11th of October. 1862, October 16th.—Roof of the new parish schools blown off in a gale of wind. 1862, October 18th—The return contest between the Oldham and Saddleworth rifle corps took place at Chadderton, when Saddleworth proved victorious by 49 points. 1862, October 28th.—The body of James Farrand, of Horseforth Knowl, Greenfield, found in the Tame at Dukinfield, he having been washed down from Green- field. How he got into the water is unknown. 1862, November 1st.—The Saddleworth ringers rang “ New London Pleasure” on the Parish Church bells at Oldham, it being the first triple peal ever rung on those bells. Time, 32 minutes; weight of tenor, 34 cwt. Since Whitsuntide, 1860, these ringers have won the fourth prize at Batley, third at Cawthorne, third at Barnsley, first at Silkstone, and the first prize at Meltham. 1868, March 10th.—Marriage of the Prince of Wales and Princess of Denmark. 1863, September 24th.—Junction Church consecrated and opened for divine service. 1864, May 10th.—Chimney at the Royal George Mills fell during the night, and, besides doing considerable damage to property, destroyed the lives of ten persons.

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1864, May 28th.—The ladies of Saddleworth presented a silver bugle to the rifle corps. The Saddleworth ringers won the first prize at Almondbury during this month. 1864, November 16th.—Review of the rifle corps by Lord Dartmouth, at Slaithwaite. 1865, April 1st.—An extensive fire broke out at Diggle Paper Mill, and the roof fell in within 15 minutes from the commencement of the fire. The damage was estimated at £1,500, which was not covered by insurance. 1865, April 6th.—The case of “‘Regina v. the Inhabitants of Friar Mere” was heard at the Leeds Assizes. The subject of litigation was the repairing of footpath from Delph to Riding Water. Verdict for defendants. 1865, April 29th.—New school at Quickwood opened. The design is Gothic, and the building and grounds occupy 6,622 square yards of land, the whole expense being defrayed by subscriptions. 1865, May.—The Saddleworth ringers carried away the first prize from Sandal Magna, near Wakefield. 1865, August 22nd.—Sergeant-Major Morrison, for four ears musketry instructor to the 34th West York ifle Volunteers, interred at Saddleworth Church, with military honours. 1865, October 21st.—The Saddleworth handbell ringers performed at Delph, this being their first public appearance. 1865, November 1st.—William Whitehead, Esq., of Dob- cross, died, leaving by his will £2,600, to be divided as follows:—To the Manchester Eye Institution the sum of £100; to the Manchester Blind Asylum, £500 ; to the Manchester Deaf and Dumb Asylum, £500; to Huddersfield Infirmary, £1,000; and to the Wharmton Grammar School, for the purpose of forming. five free Whitehead Scholarships,’ the sum of £500. 1865, November 2nd.—QJubilee of Odd-Fellowship in Saddleworth. 1865, November 17th.—Austerlands lighted with gas,

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1865, December 24th —A gentleman coming from York, on a visit to Messrs. Hirst, of Dobcross, accidentally stepped from the railway carriage in which he had travelled over the parapet of the Saddleworth viaduct, and, falling on to the road below, was picked up dead. The family afterwards obtained £1,000 from the railway company. Owing fo the unusual mildness of the season, bilberries were found in full bloom at Stonebreaks in December. 1866, May 10, 11, and 12.—A bazaar was held to raise money for the erection of Church Schools at Roaches ; £250 was obtained. 1866, May 13.—New Independent Chapel at Delph opened. It is in the Gothic style, and will hold about 500 people. 1866, May 22.—A man and a woman killed at Greenfield station, but by different accidents. A ringing match was held at Halshaw Moor in this month, when Saddle- worth gained the first prize. 1866, August 4th—The bellringers of Christ Church, Friezland, rang the three first peals on the new bells at St. Thomas’s Church, Leesfield, each peal containing 720 changes. Time, one hour, 20 minutes, and 40 seconds. Weight of tenor bell, 14 cwt. 1866, August 11.—Three hundred and fifty of the 384th W.Y.R.V. attended the great review at York, when 20,000 northern volunteers were reviewed by the Duke of Cambridge, in the presence of the Royal Highnesses the Prince and Princess of Wales. 1866, September 6, 7, and 8.—A bazaar in aid of the funds of the rifle corps was held in the Mechanics’ Hall, Uppermill, under the patronage of the Earl and Countess Fitzwilliam and the Earl and Countess of Dartmouth. The bazaar realised the handsome sum of £1,400. I I 1869, May 15th—After some years’ consideration of the matter, it had been decided that the summer of 1869 should witness the first out-door life as soldiers of the Saddleworth rifles. Some difficulty was at first found in selecting a suitable ground for the encampment, but

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finally the Earl of Dartmouth allowed them the use of I his grounds at Woodsome Hall. The volunteers mustered well, and entered upon their eight days’ camp duty on the 15th May. The encampment was uite a success. : 1869, July 23rd.—The poor-law return for the receipts and expenditure in Saddleworth for the year ending Lady Day, 1869, showed the receipts to be £4,610, from which the following expenses had to be deducted :— Cost of in-door paupers, £706; cost of out-door paupers, £1,043; lunatics in asylum, £608; repayment of work- house loan and interest, £23; salaries and rations of officers, £469 ; other relief expenses, £146 ; county rate and expenses unconnected with relief, £1,110; leaving a balance in the treasurer’s hands of £505. 1870, June 4th.—About 540 of the Saddleworth and Colne Valley Rifle Volunteers, under the command of Lieu- tenant-Colonel Bradbury, encamped at Woodsome Hall, the residence of Captain and Adjutant the Hon. G. C. Legge. The volunteers remained in camp over eight

days. 1870, qt une 4th.—The workpeople’s monument in memory of J. H. Whitehead, Esq., uncovered. 1870, August 31st.—Dr. Fraser, Bishop of Manchester, held a confimation service at Holy Trinity Church, Dobcross. A collection in aid of the school in connection with that church was made after the sermon, and amounted to over £31. I 1870, September 18th.—More than 400 of the Saddleworth volunteers attended the parish church to hear a sermon by their chaplain (the Rev. R. Whitelock) on the Franco-German war. About £25 was collected at the service, and devoted to the relief of the wounded _ French and Prussians. 1870, October 6th—New National Schools opened at Hill End, Delph, by a musical entertainment. 1870, October 14.—As a heavily-laden goods train was . passing, late at night, through the Standedge tunnel, and when it was approaching the Diggle end, one of the axles of a truck unfortunately snapped asunder, and, in an

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instant after, some half-dozen or more trucks were piled in confusion one over the other, and mixed up with the debris were some 40 or 50 tons of salt. The line remained blocked for nearly 24 hours, so that the mail trains had to run over the Lancashire and Yorkshire line. One man was severely injured, but fortunately no lives were lost. I 1871, March 5th.—Lieutenant-Colonel Bradbury died in London, and was buried at St. Thomas’s Church, Friar Mere, on March 11th, with military honours. 1871, April 18.—James Lees, Esq., J.P., of Delph Lodge, the chairman of the Saddleworth bench of magistrates, died. He was interred at Saddleworth Church on the 25th of April. 1871.—The 34th West York Volunteers had an encampment at Pickil Fields, near Uppermill, during the whole of Whit-week. The volunteers marched into their camp on Saturday, the 29th of April, and the inspection, by Colonel Robinson, took place in the large field adjoining the camp on the following Saturday ; Major Collins, of Marsden, the successor of the late Lieutenant-Colonel — Bradbury, in command. 1871, June 7—The Rev. Richard Whitelock, M.A., the senior magistrate of the division, elected chairman of the Saddleworth bench.

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Strap flotes.

of the venerable mansions of the old Saddle- worth families have disappeared altogether, although 4,4; in some instances a few fragmentary memorials of them are still in existence. The principal houses in the township two or three centuries ago were Shaw Hall, Grotton Head, and Quick Wood. Lithographs of the two former are given as illustrations. The first of these was taken down about eighty years ago, to make room for the present public house, the Farrars’ Arms. Some remnants of the ancient edifice, however, are still seen in the cottages adjoining the inn, and the outbuildings on the opposite side of the turnpike road. Its form was the usual one of Queen Elizabeth’s day—a large central hall, with two gabled wings. It had a parlour beyond the hall, in which stood the great oaken testered family bedstead. The hall was approached by a porch, and in the lobby were the doors with the kitchens on the left, and the panelled parlour on the right. Several specimens of amorial glass, which belonged to the old hall and the parlour windows, are still preserved in the possession of the Radcliffe family, who succeeded the Shaws in the ownership and occupation of the estate. The house was built of rough ashlar stone, with some timber and plaster work supporting the roof of the hall, which was open to the carved beams of the roof. Grotton Head, the old hall of the Buckleys, is still in existence, but it is has been much modernised, and, to

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antiquarian vision, not greatly improved by the process. It had its large central hall with wainscotted walls, and large mullion and transome hall windows. The porch and lobby beyond led to the wainscotted parlour, the floor of which was diamond-flagged. Over the hall, and of just the same dimensions, was a sort of drawing room, very low overhead, but having an elaborately ornamented ‘plaster ceiling. It had the singular inconvenience of a series of bedroom doors opening into it. Part of a suit of armour and several swords were found rusting away in the garrets. The hall had the usual accompaniments of such ancient houses, large outbuildings and barns, and some fine old sycamores around it. Quick Wood, the old house of the Gilbert le Quick family, has still some few portions remaining, mainly in the shape of a row of cottages. There are some carved stone pine apples, and the gate piers are still there, ag well as the terrace walk, with open work stone balustrading. The jawbones of a whale are also still stand- ing, but there is nothing about the remains which indicate an older date than the reign of Charles IJ. In Friezland there is an old house belonging to the Platts, which has a handsome old doorway and a little flagged court. There are one or.two old dates also about the place. A very good old stone porch still exists at Holly Grove. It has stone seats and archway, and there is a very large projecting chimney at one end of the house, but nothing else of a very marked character is seen about the place. Tradition, which has generally some foundation in fact, frequently distorted curiously and incongruously, and some- times rooted in far more remote circumstances than those which it professes to preserve, says that the old Saddleworth Church, dating from the time of Edward III., was originally intended to stand at Brownhill, and that the work was actually commenced, but that the brownies who held posses- sion of the spot resented the intrusion of mortal man, and removed the stone, together with other building material, nightly to the place where the edifice now stands. Contest with such persevering sprites was hopeless, and they were ultimately allowed to have it all their own way, as the builders found that their daily toil was always neutralised

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in the night time by invisible hands. Mr. Moorhouse, in his interesting ‘‘ History of the Parish of Kirkburton and Graveship of Holme,” a work of great research and sin- gular accuracy, refers to a story identical in nearly every detail respecting the re-building of Burton Church in the reion of Edward III. It was intended to re-build it at Stocksmoor, but the materials were always removed during the night by supernatural agency to the old site of the church. Similar tales are the property of Rochdale, Whalley, and of many other parts of the country. It would appear, therefore, that if they have not had a common ‘origin, the brownies must have had a special gift for selecting the sites of our ancient ecclesiastical edifices. There was, how- ever, another branch of what seems to be the same tradition attached to a heap of stones near the place. It was known even in very recent times as Annabel’s grave, and the story connected with the cairn is, that a fearful being of super- natural power was buried there, after immense exertions had been used to lay her ghost, and that it was a duty incumbent on every passer by to add to the heap by casting a stone upon it, an act supposed to be a perpetual renewal of the charm by which the spirit had been laid, and a pledge that the person who cast the stone should not be disturbed by the evil machinations of the witch should she ever succeed in bursting her bonds and in returning once more to the surface of the earth. People still living in Saddleworth can remember hearing their grandfathers and grandmothers speak, with bated breath around the winter fire, of the feelings which came over them as little children whenever they had to pass that place, and of the awe with which they cast their stone upon the uncanny cairn. When the cutting for the railway and station at Brownhill was commenced, the workmen came upon an interment upon the very spot of the cairn of stones referred to. They found an urn of unbaked clay, with the usual marks of cordage upon it. It stood in a small heap of ashes, and was covered with a flat stone, or flag. It was slightly charred, and the grass cordage used in the formation of the urn was burnt away. In the inside of the urn were found some calcined bones, and a stone celt, or hammer, of rude shape, having


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through the centre for the shaft. The bones were after- wards supposed, on medical authority, to have been those of an adult and child, although not many of them survived the violence of the discovery, for they.appear to have been very uickly dispersed by the navvies, who wantonly smashed the urn and the stone celt. The broken hammer, however, was obtained by George Shaw, Esq. of St. Chad’s, who fastened the pieces together with a strong cement. He also secured some small portions of the bones, and several frag- ments of the broken urn. Subsequently another stone celt,’ of a flat adze-like shape, was found near the same spot, and preserved with the former one. These remarkable dis- coveries appear to account for the two traditions respecting the original site of the church and old Annabel’s grave. The place had evidently been a very ancient burial ground in Pagan times, and in the most distant, unexpected manner the memory of it was kept up from generation to generation, changing, as the centuries rolled onwards, to the witch’s grave and the original site of the old church, an edifice which is always associated in the mind with a burial ground. It may also be surmised that the names of Brownhill and Pickhill (Brownie’s hill and Pixy hill), are echoes of the same period, when the place was a British place of sepulture. A noteworthy circumstance occurred in connection with the finding of the urn at Brownhill, which, if it had been permitted to run its course without interruption, would certainly have formed the best antiquarian joke of the age. The reader will remember the manner in which the old gaberlunzie dropped down on Jonathan Oldbuck, at the conclusion of that enthusiastic antiquary’s learned descri tion of the ruin which he fondly regarded as a valuable relic of Roman times, with the simple but astounding remark, “ Preetorian here, Preetorian there, I mind the bigging o’t.” The finding of the urn at Brownhill produced a reverse effect in the district. Old Edie proved the modern character of what were presumed to be ancient ruins ; the public of Saddleworth rushed headlong to the conclusion that what was unquestionably ancient was extremely modern. The report circulated rapidly through- out the district that a very shocking murder had been

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committed at Brownhill, and that the remains.of a man and child had been discovered there. ‘Two of the resident - magistrates, the Rev. T. 8. Mills and Dr., Broughton—both _of whom lived at Dobcross, within a short distance from the scene of the presumed murder — took the matter up officially ‘on information received,” and feeling that it was necessary to have the circumstances duly investigated by the proper court, they sent for the coroner, Mr. Dyson, and made arrangements for holding the inquest. The jury was ‘summoned to attend, in order to make a true presentment, when George Shaw, Esq., who was well acquainted with the real state of the case, very inconsiderately put an end to the projected inquiry by hastening up to the houses of the magistrates, and telling them that the murder had been perpetrated, if at all, not less than 2,000 years ago, judging y the peculiar style of the interment adopted. It was not likely that much evidence could be produced before the jury of the identity of the bodies after such a serious lapse of time, or that any very reliable clue to the perpetrators of the murder could be furnished to the active and intelligent officers of the police force. The inquest was, therefore, quietly countermanded. No one was more thoroughly tickled at the result than the magistrates who had thus set the machinery of the coroner’s court in motion to investigate the circumstances of the old British murder, when they found that the diabolical tragedy had the dénouement of a screaming farce. Witchcraft seems to linger still around Brownhill, even in connection with that most utilitarian and prosaic institution, the railway. Some extraordinary topographical genius, connected with the London and North-Western railway company, and certainly inspired by Old Annabel’s propensity for doing mischief in avery subtle manner, hit upon the brilliant device of calling the station at Brownhill, Saddle- worth Station, a name scarcely more distinctive or appro- priate than to designate that at some little obscure village in the West Riding “ Yorkshire station.” Saddleworth is an extensive district, the main hne itself running through six or seven miles of the township, and having also within it two branches, one to Delph and the other to Oldham. It

Page 219

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Page 221


contains no less than five stations, viz.:—Diggle, Saddle- worth, Greenfield, Grotton, and Delph, to say nothing of the sidings at Tamewater, which serve as a kind of unrecognised station for the lower part of Dobcross. Then again, the stations at’ Mossley and at Lees are only just outside the limits of Saddleworth, the goods stations being actually within the township. The confusion and inconvenience caused by the name Saddleworth Station having been given to one out of half-a-dozen stations in the district may be readily imagined. People at a distance consign goods to Saddleworth Station, when ‘the places for which they are intended are far away from it, and close to other stations on the line. Of course, they naturally conclude that Saddle- worth Station must be right for all Saddleworth. When the invoice of the goods arrives, the consignee makes enquiry at Grotton, Lees, Mossley, Diggle, Delph, or Greenfield stations, just according to his locality, and at length has the mortification of discovering them at Saddleworth Station, from whence he has the trouble and expense of carting them to his own works, and perhaps to pass in hilly regions near several other stations of the line. Visitors to the district _ are also frequently misled owing to the same mischievous misnomer. ‘They may be going to County End, in Saddle- worth, but feel certain of being right when they book to Jaddleworth Station, and, on leaving the train, discover to _ their dismay that they are rather more than four miles away from the place wanted. The reader is mistaken if he sup- poses that an easy remedy might be found for the incon- veniences which have been referred to. ‘Once a parson, always a parson,” is a formula as powerful when applied to the name of a railway station as to graver matters. Saddle- worth Station it was in the beginning, is now, and ever shall be. An Act of Parliament could scarcely touch it. It will defy all innovation, like the purchase of commissions in the army, and it may fairly be doubted if anything short of Her Majesty’s warrant could change it from Saddleworth to Brownhill Station. What became of the wizard who christened it is not known. He ought to have risen to great eminence in the service of the company, but there is some reason to suspect that he met with the fate which


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sometimes overtakes unappreciated talent, and gravitated downwards to the position of cleaner and trimmer of the lamps used on the line. This conclusion seems to be warranted by an instance of witchcraft which took place in the lamp department in the Standedge tunnel a few years ago, for it is clearly impossible that two such consummate masters of the art of making blunders should both display their skill in connection with one line of railway. ‘Two travellers one fine moonlight night occcupied the same compartment of a rail- way carriage on the line between Leeds and Manchester. They were strangers, and appeared to have the true British art of keeping themselves apart from each other. One of them made a very persistent attempt to read -@ newspaper by the feeble rays of the oil lamp, which made darkness visible in the interior; the other looked out into the beautiful moonlight, catching glimpses of wild scenery flitting around in wierd shapes, as the moon played a game of hide and seek with the light fleecy clouds around her. At length the reader turned from his paper, with a somewhat peevish gesture, and remarked, “ What a wretched light!” Which, sir,” inquired his companion, .“ the moon or the lamp?” ‘ Why, the lamp, of course,” was the reply, uttered with a smile, and from that moment the strangers were acquainted with each other. “ He must be an uncommon genius who trimmed that lamp,’’ was the grave rejoinder. “Why so?” asked the other; ‘it seems to me that he is a great goose. It will go out entirely before we have proceeded two miles further.” “Just so,” said his com- anion, “long before we reach Saddleworth, and that’s the eauty of it.” ‘ Why,” said the other, “I am going to Saddleworth Station; and as you seem to be acquainted with the district, perhaps you can tell me my way from it to a place called Roughtown.” ‘“ Roughtown! why you will be three miles from the place when you get out at Saddleworth Station.” He seemed incredulous, and remarked that the friend whom he was going to visit had told him that the station was only a few hundred yards from his house. “There it is again,” said his fellow-traveller, “another beautiful illustration ‘of the advantages derived from the naming of Saddleworth Station.” explained to him

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that his friend must have meant Mossley Station, and that the mistake had arisen from the knowledge of the traveller that Roughtown was in Saddleworth. He was, therefore, advised to travel forwards to Mossley, and pay the difference of fare there. By this time Slaithwaite had been passed, and the train was fast approaching Marsden. The light was now a mere glimmer, flickering frequently so that the Roughtown passenger remarked on one occasion, “ It’s gone out.”’ ‘Not yet, sir,” was the reply, “ it will just see us to the mouth of the tunnel, and a beautiful instance of adapta- tion it will be. The man who trimmed that lamp so cleverly can be no other conjuror than the original in- ventor of Saddleworth Station. Just think for a moment of his ability. What a series of delicate problems he had to solve ! hat a perfect adaptation of means to an end! The Yankee deacon who constructed the wonderful one- horse shay, so well balanced in all its parts that it could never break down, and which, after doing its work well for its allotted term of existence until the end came, vanished altogether in a cloud of dust, leaving the old deacon seated quietly in the middle of the road, was a novice in comparison with the trimmer of this lamp. He had not only to estimate rightly the precise distance to the tunnel end, the rate of speed, the direction and force of the wind, and to allow accurately for the unknown state of the barometer and. ihermometer on the journey, but he had to take into con- sideration every second of the uncertain stoppages at each station, and then to express the result in oil and lighted wick !” The train now dashed into the tunnel, and the lamp at the same moment winked out entirely! ‘I wonder,” said the interested traveller to Roughtown, “if it will re-light itself when we get through the tunnel!” “ Possibly,” was the reply, “I should be surprised at no amount of witchcraft exhibited by the gifted discoverer of Saddleworth Station, assisted in his labours by old Annabel, who has evidently never been thoroughly laid yet, in spite of ‘red-hot pincers, and cunning conditions enforced upon her by priestly wer, with the potent aid of ‘bell, book, and candle.’” The lamp, however, was not re-illumed spontaneously at Diggle Station. As the two travellers parted, he whose

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destination was Roughtown remarked, ‘‘ You are a preacher of strange doctrines.” “Yes,” was the modest reply, “TI sometimes suspect that it is my misfortune to live before my age, and preach to unheeding ears. It is the fate of all real reformers, even when their mission is not more extensive than an attempt to change the name of the Saddleworth Station. Good night.” In digging up potatoes some years ago in a field below Pots and Pans, where the grass lands join the moors, two rings of stone, one dark and the other grey, were found. They are about the size of a half-crown, and proved to be good specimens of what are generally denominated Drnidical amulets, thus, along with other proofs, identifying the rocks with the rites and sun worship of the ancient Britons. On the Fairbanks property in Harropdale a tumulus may still be seen which has evidently given the name to the field in which it is situated—Little Barrow. It was opened a number of years ago, but no one at the present time appears to know with what result. The late owner of Fairbanks, Mr. Thomas Bradbury, was in the habit of calling himself Lord Littlebarrow, a somewhat picturesque title for a “oradely Saddleworth mon.’’ On the ridge of the hill, about half way between Chew Wells and Charnel Clough, in a sort of a cove formed by several upright stones, and artially covered by an overhanging rock, is a Greek inscription, evidently sculptured by no ordinary workman’s implement, the translation of which runs, “Behold the works of God.” Jt is very rude, but at the same time perfectly clear and distinct. A more appropriate motto for such a place could scarcely be conceived, situated as it is where the wildest and most rugged portions of the Chew scenery appear to the greatest advantage. Canon Durnford, now Bishop of Chichester, and Mr. Ryder, nephew of Earl Harrowby, on examining the inscription some years ago, gave the probable date of it as the reign of James I., or his son Charles, judging from the peculiar form of one of the letters made use of by the writer. Near to this cove there is a rocking stone, the weight of which must be several tons. Its form may be said to approximate to that of a boat, and it rocks laterally on its keel with a very moderate application of strength. "

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The celebrated naturalist, John Ray, made an itinerary through several counties in England and Wales during the year 1658, one of his objects being to form a collection of old proverbs in common use amongst the people. Those found by him in Cheshire include the following:—“ Like the parson of Saddleworth, who could read in no book but his — In other parts of the country it assumes a still more striking form, and runs thus :—‘‘ That’s not in my book,’ quoth the parson of Saddleworth.” At the time when Ray's collection was made there can be little doubt that the proverb had been in existence for a very long period. It could not otherwise have obtained the extended currency which would make it a general portion of the common speech of Cheshire, for Ray was extremely carcful, and not likely to notice sayings except they were thoroughly established in popular use. Whether founded on fact or not, it is probable that it must have originated at least a couple of centuries before 1658, and taking into considera- tion the slender means of communication between this part of the country and the various districts of Cheshire at that time, the meagre scattered population of the northern parts of this island so long previous to the rise of the manufactur- ing system which startled them into intense activity, and the extreme slowness with which a mere local saying must have travelled so as to take hold of the public mind, it would not perhaps be considered extremely extravagant to refer the first germ of the proverb to the earliest times of the original church erected in Saddleworth, when the great bulk of the inferior order of ecclesiastics had scarcely more book-lore than the rude population ministered to by them. Literature, even in its simplest elements—the ability to read and write—was almost exclusively confined to the scri torium of the monastery, and if a poor priest in a wild moorland district had little power to read or recite anything beyond what was found. in his own missal, there would be “no very great room for astonishment at his ignorance. It must also not be forgotten that in those old Roman Catholic times the breviaries used in churches varied far more than is generally suspected in different localities, so that taking all the circumstances into consideration, it would be very

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natural for the parson of Saddleworth to stick determinedly to his own book, and to parry any further demands upon his literary attainments with the unanswerable reply, ‘“ not in my book.” It may here be remarked that strangers to the district, and even inhabitants of Saddleworth, frequently express their astonishment that the old parish church should have been planted on such a site. The story respecting the original intention being to have it at Brownhill may to some extent be an echo of this idea. When the church was first erected the condi- tions were different to those of our own day. The scattered population would, in all probability, be clus- tered together about there more than in any other part of the township. One of the great Roman roads passed close to the spot; the old bloomeries were in the same locality, and anyone taking up a position even at this day about Running Hill, and remembering the antiquity of the little hamlets within the immediate range of his vision, from Hollingreave so far as Saddleworth Fold and Cross, will see little reason for surprise at the selection of the spot, shel- tered as it is on almost all sides by considerable ranges of hills. It is doubtful if any more likely situation could have been hit upon when the original structure was made. The extreme parts of the township, Mossley Bottoms and County End, have risen up almost: entirely within the memory of people living still, great outgrowths from the rapid develop- ment of the cotton manufacture. But irrespective .of all that, the then owners of the manor would build the church for the use of their own tenants, and neither for those of the De Quicke family at the Mossley end of the township, nor for those of Friar Mere, the land of which belonged to the Abbey of Roche. People inclined to be cynical are in the habit of alleging that the monks and priests of the olden times were cunning fellows, and especially good judges of eligible building sites. They are said never to have committed the fearful blunder of founding a monastery on the millstone grit, and to have had an especial affection for warm, cosy spots, where there would be fair chances of good fishing, fine venison, luscious fruits, fat hogs, and plenty of corn and wine, milk and honey. ‘They

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were adepts at site finding, and the same' excellent taste which led them to the right places for their monastic edifices would prevent them from building churches at points monstrously inconvenient for the people whom they expected to attend them. That the tops of eminences were frequently selected, where the tall spires pointing to the skies seemed to symbolise their mission, is true enough, but they never willingly committed the mistake of putting themselves entirely out of the sight and therefore out of the mind of the people. In the Valor Ecclesiasticus of Henry VIII., the value of “ Hilbright and Hope” (Friar Mere) and Thrustonland (Thurstonland), in the county of York, is given amongst the possessions of Roche Abbey. Hilbrighthope assumes various shapes in the Valor. It sometimes appears as Hilbright only, then as Hilbright and Hope, and again as Hilbrighthope, all referring, of course, to the same district of Friar Mere, in Saddleworth. The reason of Friar Mere being linked with a place so far away as Thurstonland, between Honley and Kirkburton, appears to be that they were both owned by Roche Abbey, and that Thomas Greene was the seneschal, or steward, of Thurstonland as well as of Friar Mere. The value of the two estates is set down as £28 13s. 8d., and amongst the outgoings is this entry :— Henrica Whitehede, balli de Hilbright xx s.,” a small sum apparently for a year’s wages as farm bailiff, but when the different value of money at that day is compared with our own, twenty shillings would probably be considered a fair amount of wages. The Valor Ecclesiasticus of Henry VIII. was founded on the Valor Beneficiorum of Pope Nicholas IV. (1291), which contains no real reference to Saddleworth, there being at that time no church in the district. The valuation of the Pope was subsequent, however, to the original grant of Friar Mere, or some parts of it, to Roche Abbey, but the value of it was probably included in a gross sum in connection with the Abbey, and not apportioned to the various districts belonging to it. Amongst the various guesses at the origin of the word ‘‘Saddleworth” as applied to this township, the “ not- worth-a-saddle ” tale must certainly be flung aside as not

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even worth a straw. If Knott Lane and Knott Hill, by a stretch of the charity which fanciful etymologists require, be respectively accepted as the road which Canute travelled, and the place where he encamped in what must be regarded as his dubious visit to this region, no amount of willing faith can sustain the pitiful rebus derivation which saddles him with saying that the place was not worth his old saddle at home. There is small reason to suspect that the Danish sea-kings placed such a very high value upon their home possessions, or that they undervalued so hugely any portion of the lands of the Anglo-Saxons, seeing that for so many centuries they were so glad to escape from the former and to acquire the latter. This apocryphal story of an apocryphal visit is merely one of those easily invented explanations that tickles the popular fancy by its extrava- gance, particularly when allied with a very poor pun. On running the finger across the map from Lancashire along . Yorkshire, commencing with Failsworth and Butterworth, many places are passed in nearly a direct route to the east ending with “ worth.’ Did Canute, or any other man, estimate their value and leave the record of the estimate formed in their present names? Saddleworth, Cartworth, and Hepworth are first met with; then come Cumberworth, Birchworth, Dodsworth, Ackworth, and Badsworth. In another part of Yorkshire we even find Dungworth. Devi- ating a little at random into Derbyshire, Chatsworth, Chiefworth, and Bugsworth are found, to say nothing of others in nearly every county. It is surely incumbent on the sound etymologist to decide at the very outset of his researches what general meaning must be attached to a termination so commonly seen as “worth,” if he would rescue his favourite study from the reproach of being any- thing better than an ingenious plaything, a hap-hazard system of mere guesswork. He must carefully collate the names of villages where the affix “worth” occurs, and endeavour to gain the primary idea under which it was applied to them. But, above all, he must sedulously guard himself from the puerility of being led away captive by a mere jingle of catch sounds destitute of all true signifi- cance. Suppose the free-and-easy “ not-worth-a-saddle ”

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idea were applied to a few of the places enumerated what would be the result? What would be thought of Butter- worth—not worth butter; Cartworth—not worth a cart; Chiefworth—not worth a chief; Chatsworth—not worth a chat, or perhaps a cat; Dodsworth—not worth a dod, or perhaps a dog; Badsworth—not worth a bat; Bugsworth— not worth a bug! But this is not all. The modern ter- mination “ worth” is one of the most uncertain and diffi- cult of all affixes to deal with satisfactorily on any approach to a general or uniform principle of interpretation. In Domesday Book, the oldest reliable record of vills (now, as — _& rule, townships), the syllable rendered “ worth” in modern names is never found in its present shape. It is uurde, as in Aceuurde (Ackworth); wrde, as Haldewrde (Aldworth) ; worde, as Berceworde (Birchworth); auuorde, as Coling- auuorde (Cullingworth); uuarde, as Heuuarde (Heworth) ; together with other variations which need not be mentioned. But this is by no means the end of the confusion, for in the same invaluable record there are plenty of indications that the affix forde has sometimes been modernised into worth, as in Wiclesforde (Wigglesworth), and that ford itself is in its turn transformed into forth, as in Erneforde (Arnforth), On the other hand, the forth of the present day figured then even as fort, as in Herfort (Hartforth). It would be easy enough to multiply instances, but such a course is unnecessary. The fanciful and dogmatic school of etymologists will be puzzled by the specimens given, and even the most sober and discreet student of ancient forms and modern variations may well despair of passing all the fords, and forts, and forths in perfect safety. Warned by the samples referred to, the reader will perhaps excuse the subject being left an open question without any further attempt to decide whether the last syllable of Saddleworth must be interpreted as a place, a wood, or forest, a fort, a forth, a ford, or something else. At all events, lame and worthless as the paradoxical conclusion may seem, worth does not mean worth. In 1741, four years before the last serious effort of the Stuart dynasty to regain the throne of this kingdom, when the power of the celebrated minister Walpole was trembling in the balance, a very significant political contest occurred,

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for a single “representative in parliament for the county of York, in the room of the Right Honourable Henry, Lord Visc. Morpeth, deceased.” It began at York Castle on the 13th of January, the candidates being George Fox, Esq., a Tory, and Cholmley Turner, Esq.,a Whig. It terminated in favour of the latter by a majority of 725, out of 15,449 ; the numbers being—Turner, 8,087 ; and Fox, 7,362. The names of the Saddleworth freeholders who recorded their votes in favour of each candidate are given below, from the poll book, printed at York in 1742, by “ Ward and Chandler, booksellers, in Coney At that distant period, when the whole of the three ridings of Yorkshire formed one constituency, freeholders only were entitled to vote. The number of freeholds in Saddleworth was extremely large, . compared with Huddersfield, Marsden, Holmfirth, and other neighbouring parishes and townships; one cause of this, and perhaps the main one, being the breaking up of the great estates in Saddleworth prior to 1741, and the purchase of farms and homesteads by those who had occupied them, or by others. In Marsden the contrast was extremely striking, there being only five freeholders from that township, and no less than three of them voted for freeholds situated in Saddleworth. Of the freeholders who resided out of the township for property owned in Saddleworth there were for Mr. Fox, the Tory candidate, Isaac Lees, Amos Ogden, John Buckley, and James Buckley, Ashton; John Lees, Austerlands (given as Lancashire, probably on account of his residence being just beyond the Yorkshire border) ; Henry Hill, Manchester; Robert Hoops, Castleton, Lanca- shire; Hugh Yanness, Cropton Hall, Lancashire; William Lee, Elland; Francis Goodall, Manchester; and Thomas Linfit, Rochdale. The residents in Saddleworth having their qualification within the township were James Garth- side, John Garthside, John Garside, Denshaw, Robert _ Hall, John Hickinbottom, William Kenworthy, William Kenworthy, Edward Lees, James Lee, John Nield, Jona. Winterbottom, Benjamin Wrigley, John Andrew, James Bradbury, John Bradbury, John Bradbury, Thomas Bradbury, James Broadbelt (Broadbent ?), Edmond Buck- ley, Edmond Buckley, Henry Buckley, James Buckley,

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James Buckley, John Buckley, John Buckley, Robert Buckley, William Buckley, William Buckley, Matthew Cook, Daniel Dixon, Edmond Fenton, Daniel Gartside, James Gartside, John Gartside, Nathaniel Holding, James Halkyard, William Harrison, James Harrop, James Har- rop, John Haslegrave, Edward Kenworthy, Hugh Ken- worthy, James Kenworthy, John Kenworthy, John Ken- worthy, William Knight, Edward Lees, Isaac Lees, Samuel Lees, Thomas Lees, John Mayall, Jonathan Milnes, James Milnes, Joseph Milnes, Edmond Plant (Platt?), Thomas Platt, Joshua Ratcliffe, Joshua Ratcliffe, Joshua Ratcliffe, William Ratcliffe, John Rhodes, Ralph Ridgeway, Timothy Ridley, James Rigley, Jacob Savile, Isaac Savile, Hugh Scholefield, John Scholefield, John Scholefield, Isaac Scholefield, Miles Scholefield, Robert Scholefield, George Shaw, Giles Shaw, Robert Shaw, Samuel Shaw, Thomas Shaw, Thomas Shaw, William Shaw, Benjamin Sikes, Edmond Taylor, John Twee- dale, Daniel Whitehead, Edmond Whitehead, John Whitehead, John Whitehead, Robert Whitehead, Timothy Whitehead, Dan. Winterbottom, John Winterbottom, Robert Winter-. bottom, Robert Winterbottom, Thomas Winterbottom, John Wrigley, James Buckley, Abraham Savile, John Shaw, John Taylor, James Wrigley, John Wrigley, and Henry Buckley (Wallhill) ; making in all 112. The freeholders who voted for Mr. Turner residing out of Saddleworth, but with free- holds in the township, were Jos. Pitford, Halthill, Lanca- shire; Robert Jepson, Hayton Norris; Thomas Butter- worth, Manchester ; John Taylor, Manchester; James Gart- side, Marsden; John Kaye, Marsden; and Luke Marsden, Marsden. Residents in the township: John Whitehead, Delph; Jos. Buckley, Joshua Dale, J ohn Littlewood, John Plant John Rigby, Jonathan Rigby, Edmond Scholefield, Henry Whitehead, and John Whitehead; making the number 17. The number of freeholders, therefore, who went all the way to York from this extreme part of the county was 129. ‘The contest was a very keen one, but still there would be far more freeholders in Saddleworth than actually voted. The first banking company in Saddleworth was established before the commencement of the present century, the partners

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being the Messrs. Lees, of Clarksfield; Mr. Joseph Jones, of Oldham; Mr. John Harrop, of Dobcross; and Mr. James Buckley, of Hollyville. Sometime prior to 1800 Mr. Jones and Messrs. Lees withdrew, and Mr. Edward Brown, solicitor, subsequently of Oldham, was taken into partner- ship. In fact, the partners re-arranged themselves into two banking companies, Mr. James Buckley, who had also retired from the concern, taking into partnership in the other bank at Dobcross, Mr. John Roberts, of Delph ; Mr. John Platt, of Heathfields ; Mr. John Wrigley, of Dobcross ; and Mr. Robert Shaw, of Furlane. The original company was thus divided into two, neither of which can properly be said to be older than the other. Mr. Platt afterwards retired, and his partners presented him with the following testimonial :—‘ Presented by the partners of the Saddle- worth Bank to their late partner, John Platt, Esq., as a testimonial of their approval of his conduct during his connection with them, and the handsome manner in which he withdrew from the concern.—April 25,1825.” In 1826, the period of the great monetary panic, when Messrs. Dobson’s bank at Huddersfield, that of Messrs. Wentworth, Chaloner, & Rishworth, of Wakefield and Huddersfield, together with others, failed, spreading ruin and destroying commercial confidence over a wide area of the West Riding of Yorkshire, there was a serious run upon both the banks in Saddleworth. Harrop’s bank was compelled to close its doors, but ultimately its notes were paid, when presented, by Mr. Edward Brown. The run upon the other bank was also severe, but it weathered the storm without interruption to its business operations. Afterwards Mr. Wrigley died, and Mr. Roberts having retired from it, Mr. Charles James Buckley, of Hollyville, together with Mr. Francis Shaw Buckley, were admitted as partners, when the style of Buckley, Shaw, & Co. was adopted. The business was kept on by them until it became a joint stock banking company in March, 1838, and it retained the name of the Saddle- worth Joint Stock Banking Company until recently, when it was merged in the Manchester and County Bank Limited, its establishments at Dobcross, Oldham, and Ashton being continued under the same managers as before the change was made.

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SS SOF aaa

Porkshire or Lancashire ?

inte 1 can scarcely be doubted that Saddleworth, which 1 Sy is now included in the county of York, belonged in early times to Lancashire, but at what date the ~ severance took place will, in all probability, never be ascertained, although it is just possible that a close investigation of rolls and other ancient records at York, Chester, Pontefract, Wakefield, and elsewhere, might furnish some approximation to it. The Rev. John Whitaker, when dealing, in his “ History of Manchester,” with the Roman remains at Castleshaw, says :—“ The region of Saddleworth, indeed, of which the site at Castleshaw is a part, now belongs to the county of York. But it has evidently been dismem- bered from Lancashire, being even now a chapelry in one of our Lancashire parishes, and the greater of this double range of hills naturally forming the barrier betwixt the Sistuntii and Brigantes.”. This may, perhaps, be deemed a slender peg on which to hang a theory, but it is no slight testimony to the soundness of Mr. Whitaker’s judgment that, in apparent ignorance of other collateral evidence, all pointing i in the same direction, he was led to such a con- clusion almost intuitively. It cannot be expected, after the lapse of so many ages, that the indications of the connection of Saddleworth with Lancashire should be very abundant or direct, but on examining them they will be found sufficient to support the theory, although it would be unwise to

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dogmatise on such a question. The suspicion that the chain of hills to the north-east of Saddleworth formed the boundary between the Sistuntii and the Brigantes in the earliest period of our history applies with still greater force to that between Yorkshire and Lancashire. The ridges of these hills (part of the Pennine chain, frequently called the backbone of England) form the great watershed of the country. On the Saddleworth side all the streams flow through Lancashire and Cheshire to the Mersey, while on the Yorkshire side proper, the waters form the tributaries of the Humber. The rivulets of Saddleworth never touch any portion of the great basin of the Humber. The important test, therefore, of natural boundary is unequivo- cally in favour of the township belonging to Lancashire ; and, on the other hand, the line which separates that county from Yorkshire as it now stands is, in Saddleworth, if not purely arbitrary, more slight than that which usually divides two townships belonging to one county, for it scarcely bears the semblance of any real natural boundary for a few hundred yards continuously. The great watershed, too, was un- doubtedly recognised as the main element in determining the limits of Yorkshire and Lancashire at many places in the vicinity of Saddleworth. The same remark applies also to the continuation of the great chain of hills to the east of Saddleworth, for the line of separation between Yorkshire and Cheshire as well as between a great portion of the former county and Derbyshire, is the watershed. Saddleworth is situated at the south-eastern extremity of Lancashire, and on passing along the mountain ridges from Standedge to the north and north-west by way ' of Blackstone Edge, the counties of Yorkshire and Lanca- shire are again found to be conterminous with the watershed. There is certainly on Boulsworth Hill a long narrow strip of table land—where, perhaps, ordinary people in past ages might have some little difficulty in deciding which way the rain.descended—marked on Greenwood’s Map of Yorkshire published in 1817 (founded on the old Ordnance Survey), “disputed boundary between Yorkshire and Lancashire,” and it is somewhat curious that at the eastern extremity of Saddleworth the same map has another piece of moorland,

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adjoining the township of Austonley, in the Graveship of Holme, marked “disputed boundary.” The whole of this latter portion ought, according to the watershed, to have been included in Saddleworth, to which township it was nearly all ceded ultimately, probably by the authority of Parliament on the passing of one of the Enclosure Acts. After leaving Boulsworth Hill, with its strip of disputed table land, Yorkshire and Lancashire are again separated for miles continuously by the same great watershed. Between Colne Moor and Great Edge, a little to the north of Colne, the mountain ridges are, however, departed from considerably, and the county of York advances boldly into the territory watered by the Lancashire streams. There are, however, strong grounds for holding that the whole of this region, watered by the tributaries of the Ribble, belonged in remote ages to Lancashire, and that for some unexplained reason it was, like Saddleworth, taken to the county of York. From what has been already advanced it will be seen that the chain of hills is the only natural boundary between the - two counties, and that the watershed has been recognised, with very little variation, in determining the limits of York- shire on the Lancashire side, and. also where the former county meets Cheshire and Derbyshire. Of course, where two counties approach each other in lowland districts it would be perfectly absurd to look for such a boundary as a watershed, and, therefore, it is usually found that under such conditions the river is the line of demarcation. Thus Lancashire is divided from Cheshire along the entire border down to the sea by the Mersey and its tributaries. This is never departed from until, in order to meet with the watershed above Noon Sun, in Saddleworth, the county of Cheshire has to be bounded by the ridges of the hills along the Alphin to Holme Moss. The watershed and the river, indeed—except in minor cases, as in townships where an old Roman or pre-Roman road, some small stream, or local watershed was followed—were the only natural and easily- defined’ boundary lines which would be likely to suggest themselves to our forefathers, and in the case of watersheds particularly, the choice was undoubtedly strengthened very materially by other concurrent circumstances. At a time

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when roads were few, and, with the exception of the great arteries of the Romans, little better than footpaths through the forests, the isolation of the villages or homestcads would be so great that the manorial centres would be very nearly allied to the clearings in the backwoods of America, and the separate islands, as they may be called, with a varying belt of wilderness between them, would form at first the indefinite and perhaps little cared-for boundary, until the increase of population caused them to approach closely to each other, and the landmarks between the vills, or town- ships as they subsequently became, to be decided upon by some kind of easily recognised feature. The lowlands would thus be occupied to a great extent before the more hilly regions, covered with dense woods, or bleak tracts of heath, were fairly approached as settlements. The colonising, as it may be called, naturally proceeded, therefore, from the valley to the uplands, so that the opposite sides of the Pennine chain of hills would be peopled from districts widely apart from each other. It may, therefore, be reasonably inferred that Lancashire would gradually approach Saddle- worth and take possession of it, while the inhabitants of Yorkshire would swarm in the direction of Marsden, Meltham, and Austonley. All this indicates precisely the same result—the watershed as the boundary between the inhabitants of the two counties. On the assumption that what has been advanced is in accordance with facts, it ought to follow that the inhabitants of Saddleworth did not belong altogether to the tribe that peopled the Marsden and Holmfirth side of the hills, although, in the lapse of many generations, they might mingle together and intermarry so as to destroy to a great extent the angularities and more prominent characteristics of the two races. To the present day, however, the Saddle- worth folk are dissimilar in many respects to those of York- shire proper. Their habits, genius, manners, physical appearance, and particularly their speech, bewrayeth them. hey are easily distinguished from the natives of Marsden, Meltham, and Austonley, their next door neighbours across the hills. The dialects of the two districts are not the same, but even violently distinct; and that of Saddleworth

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is, on the other hand, substantially identical with the speech of Lancashire, not only in pronunciation, but also in many words, and in idiom generally; and if this be the case now, the reader will not be far wrong in assuming that, in the course of nearly a thousand years, the people have insensibly, but not the less really, broken down a considerable portion of the old characteristics, so that if they are feeble compared © with their original force, some idea may be formed of their broad distinctiveness originally. There is also in existence in Saddleworth what may be looked upon as a strong traditional memorial of the time when the township formed no part of Yorkshire. Down to the present hour the people of Saddleworth do not fully recognise the geographical fact that the district in which they reside forms any portion of the county of York. They invariably speak of a journey across the hills in the direction of Holmfirth or Marsden as “ going into Yorkshire.” The phrase is made use of, not merely by people who might be excused for such a topographical blunder on the score of ignorance, but by well educated men thoroughly cognisant of the facts of the case, and those who hear them never seem to suspect that there can be the slightest incongruity in the remark. It sounds strangely in the ears of what they would term an “ incomeling,” but if he ventured to remark that he had always understood Saddleworth to be in Yorkshire the reply would probably be, “It is not gradely Yorkshire nor Lancashire, but a place to itself.” The same strange phrase is by no means confined to Saddleworth. Even on the Oldham side of the township, when people speak of going into Yorkshire, they are always understood to mean that they are going further than Saddleworth—across the chain of hills or through the railway tunnel. The form of expression alluded to has in fact been handed down from generation to generation without change, and can scarcely be regarded in any other light than that of a tradition derived from the remote period when it was geographically correct. And while the natives of Saddleworth employ that phrase, and “over the top,” as equivalent for a journey out of the township to the adjoining districts of Yorkshire, it is curious that the people of the Graveship of Holme and other P I

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places on the opposite side of the chain of hills supply the exact counterpart of the geographical inconsistency. They use the indefinite phrase, “over th’ moor,” to express the idea of going into the cotton districts of Lancashire or Cheshire. There are plenty of moors about Holmfirth, for instance, and people of that neighbourhood can cross over the moor to Thurlstone, Penistone, Barnsley, and else- where, but they never mean by the expression any of those places. Everybody understands them in the sense of taking a journey into Lancashire. It may mean Cheshire, or even Derbyshire by way of Woodhead, but it primarily conveys unchallenged the idea of Lancashire, thus ignoring altogether the existence of Saddleworth as any portion of the West Riding of the county of York. Taken together, these two curious idioms can scarcely be regarded in any other light than as the echoes of tradition to a fact which written records have apparently allowed to fall into oblivion. One of the reasons which the historian of Manchester refers to is that Saddleworth is ecclesiastically identified with Lancashire. It never belonged to the See of York, but in old times to the province of Canterbury. When Lancashire was included in the diocese of Chester—anciently that of Lichfield—so was Saddleworth; and on the formation of the See of Manchester the township was transferred to it, although it adjoins Cheshire as well as Lancashire. The curious anomaly is, therefore, perpetuated of a township being connected ecclesiastically with one county, and with another geographically and for civil purposes. In other words, the body of Saddleworth is firmly grasped by York, while its soul is in the keeping of Lancaster. Nor must the fact be entirely lost sight of, that the See of York was far more powerful and aggressive in Saxon and early Norman times than that of Lichfield. The former was one of the two great ecclesiastical divisions of the country presided over by an archbishop; the latter only a see under a mere ordinary bishop, subject to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and history tells us pretty plainly how, for a considerable time, the two great provinces of Canterbury and York disputed hotly for the primacy of the empire, which, during the reign of Willam the Conqueror, was decided in favour of the former.

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But throughout the Norman period, or at least for a long series of years after the conquest, the Archbishop of York refused to acknowledge the supremacy of Canterbury, and the very decision given in the reign of the Conqueror had the effect of enibittering the feelings of the proud prelates of the former province, so that throughout the Norman period of our history—during which there are some reasons to believe the transfer of Saddleworth to Yorkshire was made— the Archbishops of York were extremely jealous of any infraction of their dignity, and it is scarcely credible that they would have permitted the transfer of one of the out- lying districts of their province over which they had the remotest claim—and the inclusion of the district within the secular or civil bounds of Yorkshire would have been a very formidable one—to pass from their rule to that of the bishopric of Lichfield and the province of Canterbury. The prelates of York were too powerful, too watchful, and too lordly to permit such encroachments to be made upon their district at that period, when the great ecclesiastics of this realm were formidable enough to brave the authority and bend the neck of the most imperious of monarchs. It must also be borne in mind that the township of Saddleworth has been a portion of the parish of Rochdale for ages, which was at one time included in the possessions of Whalley Abbey, in Lancashire. It was perhaps an easy task to sever the township civilly from Lancashire, in comparison with its ecclesiastical connection with that county, and hence the latter has survived to our own times, while even the memory of the former has only been preserved in the traditional form already alluded to. But if it could be successfully con- tended that the bishopric of Chester was not subject to Canterbury, and that it was in the province of York, such an assumption would in no wise strengthen the case of York- shire for the possession of Saddleworth. On the contrary, it would render it still more improbable, and even utterly inexplicable. If Saddleworth was at that remote period within the county of York, nothing could have prevented the primate of the province, with the Bishop of Chester or Lichfield subject to him, from attaching it to the diocese of York. No plea whatever could have prevailed against the

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might of the Bishop of Lichfield’s superior, armed with the fact that Saddleworth formed part of the county of York. The wonder would, under such circumstances, have been that the whole of the parish of Rochdale was not taken to the diocese of York, and also included in the county. The inquiry whether Saddleworth originally belonged to Lancashire or to Yorkshire—which, at first glance, appears to be a mere local matter, not unsuitable for a series of local sketches—would, if followed very closely, open up some extensive and very important questions, far beyond the range of the writer of this paper. If they are touched upon at all, it will only be because they cannot be altogether . ignored in dealing with the local topic under consideration. The reader has probably already anticipated the question of how the counties were first formed ; what were the general principles followed in determining their boundaries; and what causes produced the variations and changes which have undoubtedly been made in the limits of these great divisions in ages long anterior to that in which we live. Did the counties grow out of the union of townships, vills, manors, parishes, hundreds, or other distinct parts ? Were they an aggregation of units for the purpose of facilitating the administration of the law by the earls, counts, or or were the counties first mapped, and the hundreds, tyth- ings, and vills, or townships, arranged afterwards as mere subdivisions? Was the system which King Alfred is popularly supposed to have originated, a building-up from the family to the hundred, and from thence to the county, prior to the adoption of feudal institutions, or did their main features then exist, so far, at least, as holding land from great proprietors, and payment of rent mainly in kind, although not burdened with military services? Were the plans introduced by the Norman conqueror, which were undeniably a huge centralisation of military power in his own hands, a very violent change, beyond the transference of the soil from the old Saxon possessors to his Norman confederates, for the double purpose of satisfying a set of needy adventurers, and keeping the bulk of the inhabitants in military subjection? No attempt to answer many of these questions can possibly be made by the writer. It may,

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however, be remarked that the invaluable record compiled in the latter part of the Conqueror’s reign not only recognises the existence of the counties of England—with few omissions— but supplies plenty of evidence that, in the time of Edward the Confessor, the same system was in existence, with the exception, perhaps, of the peculiar military tenures of amore perfect feudalism; and that, greatly as the owners and occupiers had changed, Domesday Book recognised the main customs and proprietary rights which existed in the Saxon era,. The change of holders was immense, and, while in King Edward’s time their names were unequivocally Saxon, in that of the Conqueror they were as undeniably Norman. But what can be gathered from Domesday Book bearing on the question of the county to which Saddleworth origi- nally belonged? Directly, nothing at all: indirectly, a strong presumption that it did not belong to Yorkshire at that period. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, speaking of the great record of William the Conqueror, states that ‘“‘ The king had a great council, and very deep speech with his ‘witan’ about this land, how it was peopled, or by what men; then sent his men over all England into every shire, and caused to be ascertained how many hundred hides were in the shire, or what land the king himself had, and cattle within the land, or what dues he ought to have, in twelve months, from the shire. Also, he caused to be written how much land his archbishops had, and his suffragan bishops, and his abbots, and his earls; and—though I narrate some- what prolixly—what or how much each man had who was a holder of land in England, in land or in cattle, and how much money it might be worth. So very narrowly he caused it to be traced out that there was not one single hide, nor one yard of land, nor even—it is shame to tell, though it seemed to him no shame to do—an ox, nor a cow, nor a swine, was left, that was not set down in his writ. And all the writings were brought to him afterwards.” William of Malmsbury, too, from what may be termed the Norman side of the history, says— He (the Conqueror) had subdued the inha- bitants so completely to his will that, without any opposition, he first caused an account to be taken of every’ person, compiled a register of the rent of every estate throughou

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England; and made all free men, of every description, take the oath of fidelity to him.’ It may perhaps be deemed somewhat strange that these writers of the contemporaneous history of the times—for William of Malmsbury, although a copyist of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, may almost be called such—gave this description of Domesday Book. Invalu- able as the record is, and in most instances wonderfully exact in many of its details, it is by no means a perfect account of the state of property, and still less of population and live stock, which one might be led to expect from the quotations given above. It not only does not give the rent of every estate in England, but a number of the northern counties are altogether omitted from it. Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, and Westmorland are not in its pages; nor is Lancashire mentioned by name, although, in the Yorkshire portion of the book, less than two pages deal with part of Lancashire. Under the heading Agemundre- nesse (Amounderness) are found a number of manors and villages* curiously huddled together, mostly belonging to Lancashire, but partly in Yorkshire, and some few even in Cumberland and Westmorland, while the whole of the country to the north of this part, including Northumber- land and Durham, as well as Cumberland and Westmorland, with the exception of the insignificant portions just referred to, is altogether wanting in the great Norman record. In that part of Domesday Book which treats of Cheshire, another curious feature is seen. full details are given of each hundred, manor, and vill, in accordance with the instructions issued by the Conqueror to his justiciaries that had the task

* Village, or villa, with its dependent houses, seems to be the proper rendering of “ville,” so frequently made use of in Domesday Book and other ancient records, or at least the nearest equivalent to it in use at the present day. The term “ villane,” meant a dweller in the ville and attached to the place or i proprietor. It has been contended by etymologists that our modern word villain been derived from this term, and that it has therefore been degraded in meaning to the lowest of the low, while on the other hand “serf” has been lightened of its original obloquy into servant, one who serves not compulsorily as a slave—the primary sense of serf—but voluntarily. It is rather doubtful if the modern word villain has descended to us in connection with the Saxon villane.” It has probably been derived from the Latin “ vilis,” mean, low, vile, a term which, however, includes the same idea of common and base, hence “bastard,” one basely born. ‘ Villane,” as used in feudal times, seems to be the parent of villager, one who dwells in a village, although secondarily it might, perhaps, be applied to villain, a vile person, a doer of mean, low, base,

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of organising the machinery necessary for the survey, and also that of attending to the actual gathering of the details in conjunction with the juries empanelled in every district. The classification adopted in Cheshire is not so perfect as that of Yorkshire, Derbyshire, Lincolnshire, Nottingham- shire, and other counties to the south of them, but still sufficiently so to make it perfectly certain that the entire survey of Cheshire was made in the localities dealt with. It is far different with the scanty, imperfect, and frequently confused information supplied respecting the various hun- dreds of Lancashire. The county does not appear at all by name in Domesday Book, but in its Cheshire record a slight attempt is made to deal with some portion of it under the heading of “The land between the Ribble and the Mersey.” The district called Amounderness in the Yorkshire division of Domesday Book is thus met by the supplemental records of Cheshire, and, taken together, they are all the information given respecting Lancashire. In the first instance, the writers of Domesday Book seem almost to have decided upon dismissing “‘ the land between the Ribble and the Mersey” with the insignificant obser- vation that it “had been held by Rogerius Pictavensis (Roger of Poitou), but that “the King now holds it.” Slight as this information is, the remark may be of some importance by and by, in examining some of the probable causes which influenced the king’s commissioners in fighting so shy of Lancashire. At the end of the Cheshire details, however, “the land between the Ribble and the Mersey” is again dealt with in a very cursory manner. Lancashire (including both that portion given under Yorkshire as Amounderness, and that classed with Cheshire as “the land between the Ribble and the Mersey ’’) is summed up in about two pages of the original. Yorkshire, with an area that, compared with Lancashire, may be taken as 10 to 8, occupies 78 pages, and Cheshire, which is not much more than half the size of Lancashire, occupies more than 13 pages. It will be seen, therefore, that whether York- shire or Cheshire be taken as the basis of comparison, Lancashire only occupies one-twelfth part of the space which, according to its area, was due to it in Domesday

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Book, and of this small portion devoted to the “land between the Ribble and the Mersey,” fully one-half is occupied by Derby Hundred, while the hundreds of Newton, Warrington, Blackburn, Salford, and Leyland, are each crumpled up in less than a score of lines. It was, of course, absolutely impossible to give very exact information in such a limited space, and it may therefore be fearlessly alleged that Domesday Book is utterly destitute of any claim to be regarded as an accurate and reliable survey of the county of Lancashire. In many instances the manors are not even distinguished by name, and the villages and berewicks are almost entirely absent. It would almost appear from one expression made use of in the meagre account given of Salford, that the hundred and the manor were co-extensive, or that Salford Hundred contained only one large manor! The record of it runs thus :—‘ King Edward (the Confessor) held Salford. There were three hides and twelve carucates of waste land, and forest three miles long and the same broad, and there are many hays* (fences or boundaries?) and an erie of hawks. Edward held Radcliffe for a manor. There is one hide and another hide belonging to Salford. The church of St. Mary’s and the church of St. Michael’s held in Mancestre (Manchester) one carucate of land, which was free from all dues except danegeld. To this manor or hundred there belonged twenty- one berewicks, which were held by as many thanes for as many manors, in which there were eleven hides and a half, and ten carucates and a half of land. There was wood nine miles and a half long, and five and a quarenten broad. One of these thanes named Gamel, holding two hides of land in Racedam (Rochdale), had them free from all duties

* “Hay” is said to mean mansion or house frequently in Domesda Book, which would seem to denote some connection with home and hamle usually supposed to be derived from the Saxon “ham.” The prim meaning of hays appears, however, to be fences, perhaps used in the sense of boundaries or landmarks, which would usually imply the home as the centre. Haw, which is sometimes haugh, signified a small field or piece of land near the house and was also applied to a green place in a valley. Heybote or haybote was libe on the part of the tenant to cut so much underwood as was necessary for mend- ing the hedges or fences belonging to the land, and as the shrub usually asso- olated with hedges is the thorn, perhaps hawthorn is derived from the same source, and haws the fruit of the thorn. It is somewhat curious that in some parte of Yorkshire the last-named word is still, in strict harmony with the old on form, pronounced “ haig.”

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but the following six, viz.: theft, inveighing of servants, obstructing the king’s road, breach of peace, removal of boundary, and desertion after enlisting; the fines for these offences were forty shillings. ‘The rest of these lands were free from all customs except danegeld, and they are partly free from danegeld. ‘The whole manor, with the hundred of Salford, paid thirty-seven pounds four shillings. There are now in the manor, in the demense, two carucates and eight bondmen, and two villanes with one carucate. This demense is valued at five pounds. The knights hold the land of this manor by the gift of Rogerius Pictavensis : Nigellus, three hides and half a carucate of land; Warinus, two carucates; and another Warinus, one carucate and a half; Goisfridus, one carucate; Gamel, two carucates. In these lands are three thanes and thirty villanes, nine bordars, one chaplain, and ten bondmen. Amongst them they had twenty-two carucates. It is valued at seven pounds.” Turning again to Amounderness—without attempting to glance at Lonsdale, north of the Sands, now belonging to Lancashire, for, whether taken from one county or another, this district has no connection whatever with the watershed boundary question of Lancashire and Yorkshire—Domesday Book enumerates upwards of sixty vills, without giving the slightest hint of their value either when the survey was made or in the time of King Edward. It gives no holders, no occupiers, no inhabitants of the district, and no details whatever beyond the bare names of the places; and the number of carucates in them is merely put as abbreviated interlineations over each. The enumeration is thus strangely summed up All these vills, and three churches, belong (or are attached to) Prestune; of these, sixteen have few inhabitants, but how many inhabitants there may be is not known: the rest are waste. Rogerius Pictavensis had it.” The absence of details respecting Lancashire, evincing an amount of ignorance of its condition on the part of the compilers of Domesday Book .utterly incompatible with the assumption that it was ever surveyed at all by the justiciaries of the Conqueror, or that any local juries were empanelled to assist them, forms a striking contrast to

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the fulness and accuracy apparent in dealing with nearly every portion of Yorkshire. The chain of hills which forms the natural boundary of that county having been passed, the difference is forced upon the attention at once. The various valleys of the Holme figure in Domesday Book in strong force, up to the very edge of what is moorland to the present day. The villages enumerated are mostly the names of the modern townships there, and the absence of one of these townships is a matter for wonder and speculation. There were even more enumerated in some instances than have survived as townships, or even as insignificant villages, to our own times. For instance; two Holmes are enumerated : the places are called ‘ Holne” in Domesday Book—a close approach to the pronounciation still in use, with the / liquid, as in Holme, becoming “ Howne;” and one of them, Yate- holme—curiously enough now pronounced “‘ Yatehum”—is no township, but a mere outlying farmstead of about 200 acres of grass land at the foot of Holme Moss, and almost lost amongst the moors. The graveship of Holme is not very much greater in extent than the township of Saddle- worth ; yet, while the latter is not even mentioned in the old record, the former has far more space devoted to it than the whole Hundred of Salford—almost as much indeed, taking the whole manor of Wakefield, as the whole of Lancashire. The lands of the king in the manor of Wake- field need not be specified fully. Omitting the general description and details, there are enumerated “the soke of these lands: * * * Cartworth, six carucates; Burton, three carucates; Shepley, two carucates; Shelley, one carucate; Cumberworth, one carucate; Crossland, one carucate. * * * * Besides these, there are to be taxed two carucates in Holme, and another Holme, Auston- ley, and Thong. One plough may till this land. It is waste ; wood here and there. Some say this is thaneland; others, in the soke of Wakefield.” Then, again, another entry says :—‘“ Manor. In Holme, Dunestan had two carucates to be taxed. Land to one plough. This land, some say, is inland; others, in the soke of “Wakefield.” It is evident, from the two accounts of Holme, that, in the latter extract, the manor was intended to include Holme,

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Yateholme, Austonley, and Thong, all lying contiguous to each other, and forming one of the borders of Saddleworth, divided by the great watershed. In the recapitulation of — Yorkshire, by wapentakes, there also occurs the entry :— duabus Holne (Holme and Yateholm), and Austonley and Thong, the king, two carucates. In Cumberworth, the same, one carucate. In Crossland, the same, one carucate. In Hopton, [bert (Ilbert de Lacy), two carucates. In Hud- dersfield, Ibert six carucates. In Cartworth and Hepworth Wooldale, Fulston and Thurstonland, the king, six caru- cates.” Itis thus evident that the six carucates, given in the former entry as in Cartworth, included the five places— now townships—lying contiguous to Holme, Yateholm, Austonley, and Thong, still included in the graveship of Holme, and at that period, as well as afterwards, forming a free chace. The land was then held by the king as part of the great manor of Wakefield, but there was a doubt whether Holme, Yateholme, Austonley, and Thong, were in the soke of Wakefield, or land which had been granted to thanes. From the fact that they were afterwards included in the Free Chace of Holmfirth (along with Cartworth, &c.), which was subsequently granted to the De Warren family, closely connected with the Conqueror by marriage, the presumption is that, although Domesday Book did not decide the point of ownership, the king considered that the doubt must be interpreted in his own favour. Saxon thanes had very little chance when their claims clashed with those of the great Norman and his confederates. Passing to the other extremity of the Saddleworth boun- dary, the country on the Yorkshire side of the watershed is even yet sparsely populated, but Lindley, Quarmby, Golcar, and two Crosslands are found, one or other of which might extend to the Scammonden border of Saddleworth. The absence of Marsden from Domesday Book is not very sur- prising, as the township is of more recent date than the time of the Norman survey, and more modern than Saddleworth, the records of which extend so far back into Roman and pre-Roman times. Marsden has, however, considerable claims to antiquity, although no mention of it occurs in Domesday Book. It was included in the possessions of the

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De Lacy family, but had apparently no claim in the time of William the Conqueror to the rank of manor, berewick, or vill. Probably it, like its neighbour Slaithwaite, was very little more than bare moorland pasturage, or partly of that character, and partly wood pasture, at the time of the Norman survey, for even Golcar had no more than half a carucate of land to be taxed according to the great record. Although not formally included in the grants to De Lacy, it might be appropriated by his successors, as granted to none else, and not included amongst the lands retained in the hands of the King, for it will be remembered how extensive were the possesssions of that family. To say nothing of other Yorkshire wapentakes quite away from the district, in that of Staincross they had, amongst other manors and berewicks, Hunchelf, Thurlstone, Penistone, Dodworth, Silkston, Thurgoland, Ing Birchworth, Skelmanthorpe, Denby, Cumberworth, Clayton, Bretton, Rough Birchworth, Hoyland, &c.; and in the Agbrigg wapentake, to give only the names not far from Marsden, Flockton, Denby, Lepton, Hepton, Dalton, Almondbury, Farnley Tyas, Honley and Meltham, Hopton, Huddersfield, Bradley, Lindley, Quarmby, Golear, Crossland (north and south), Thornhill, and Whitley. In Morley wapentake, they had Batley, Elland, Liversedge, Mirfield, Gomersall, Bradford, Calverley, Beeston, Bramley, Pudsey, Morley, &c., &c. On all sides of Marsden, except that of Saddleworth, the De Lacy family’s possessions extended for a great distance, taking in fact nearly the whole of that portion of Yorkshire except the manor of Wakefield. Such being the case, any outlying districts not specia’'y included in their grants would very soon be in eir actual possession. In fact there would be no other possible claimants for the lands not included in the original ancient demense. They were stopped only by the recog- nised boundary between the two counties, which, as has already been seen, was the great watershed. It is strictly in accordance with this assumption that the first record of Marsden yet discovered occurs in the 12th century, amongst the endowments of Fountains Abbey, as a grant of pasturage in Marchesdene, by Robert De Lacy, fourth baron of the Honour of Pontefract, and also Earl of Chester. The place

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is then neither called a manor, berewick, nor vill, which, although not universally, was a very common mode of description when such titles were appropriate. In Speed’s invaluable maps (1610), it is marked as a chapelry, the name then being Marshden, an easy step from Marchesdene, the meaning of the term evidently being a marshy valley, and not as its present form would imply, the valley or den of Mars. Passing onwards from Marsden, the township of ~ Meltham is reached, adjoining to it, and also to one of the borders of Saddleworth. It is not only found in Domesday Book, but the orthography of the name is just the same as it was then—Meltham. It is given thus amongst the land in the possession of Ibert De Lacy :— Manor. In Honley and Meltham, Coda and Suuen had four carucates of land to be taxed, where there may be three ploughs. Ilbert has it, and it is waste. Value in King Edward’s time, forty shillings. Wood pasture, two miles long and one mile and a-half broad.” This manor not only included the present townships of Honley and Meltham, but also that of Netherthong, which was known as Meltham Half down to @ comparatively recent period. What inferences are to be drawn from the entire absence of Saddleworth from the enumeration of the manors and villages which have since grown into townships in Yorkshire? Taking into consideration the extremely careful manner in which the county was surveyed, and that plain traces of the juries are everywhere visible in the record, nothing being more common in recording the claims made or disputes respecting property than to find entries of what the jurors of one wapentake or another thought of the merits of the claims made, the conclusion seems to be all but inevitable that if Saddleworth, so undeniably ancient and extensive, had then belonged to Yorkshire it would have been referred to in Domesday Book, and that the absence of any mention of it is at least strong presumptive evidence that it was then included in Lancashire. For it must be borne in mind that it was inhabited in the pre-Roman period, that numerous Druidical remains exist in the district, that Bucton Castle, a pre Roman fort, which was in all probability crumbling to ecay before any Roman soldier ever saw the white cliffs of

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Albion, is close to its borders, and still frowns over its valleys, that British tumuli have been discovered containing the primitive urns and flint weapons of pre-historic ages, that Druidical altars and rocking stones still exist in the township, that Roman roads intersected it in many directions, and that ruins of Roman forts are still visible. All these are conclusive proofs of the very early colonisation of the locality, and surely with all these great advantages of strongholds and good roads in existence, with fertile land in - the extensive dales, and hills well stocked with game—for the Free Chase of Holmfirth extended to the top of some of its principal ridges, and, taking into account the undefined boundary between Austonley and Saddleworth, seemed well inclined to push beyond its legitimate limits—it cannot be pretended that the Saxons voluntarily ignored a region which their predecessors had found and valued. The Saxons were not such simpletons, and following, as they must have done, in the footprints of the Romans, over the same grand old roads, they could not possibly have overlooked such a large district as Saddleworth. Then again—and the remark Lancashire generally as well as to Saddle- worth—while Yorkshire was subject to the perpetual inundations of the Danes—the eastern coasts especially— during the early Saxon period, and even down to the time of the Norman conquest, the inland portions, and even the western coast, were not likely to be harried, disturbed, and pillaged, so that there would be far more security for life and property, conditions which must have told upon the progress of the entire region. The probability is, therefore, that as Lancashire had fewer risks to run than Yorkshire during the unsettled period between the fall of the Heptarchy and the Norman invasion, its population, and advance in the arts of civilized life would not be less than those of Yorkshire. The allegation that Lancashire suffered so very much from want of roads has certainly not much force, intersected as it was by Roman causeways, of whieh none but the main military arteries have survived in history, for there would be offshoots, not, perhaps, of a very imposing character, but still sufficient for the primitive modes of travelling then in vogue, to every town and village.

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But, it may be asked, had Lancashire any existence as a county when Domesday Book was compiled, or was it sub- sequently formed out of scraps raked together from York- shire on one side, and Cheshire on the other? ‘That it was known as Loncestreshire long anterior to the conquest can scarcely be questioned seriously. If nothing else could settle the poimt, it must be admitted that the Cheshire rtion of Domesday Book ought to be conclusive testimony. t is not given there as Cheshire, but as the land between the Ribble and the Mersey, and it must have been included in some shire—the country having been mapped out into counties ages before the time of William the. Conqueror. Even that portion which is given in the records of Yorkshire is evidently not regarded as a portion of that county, for it is interpolated, so to speak, between the lands of the king and those of the Archbishop of York, apparently for no other reason than that it had been held by Roger of Poitou, and had reverted back to the king. In fact, the internal evidence seems to be sufficient to detach it from Yorkshire. No juries were empanelled in the district itself, for it is impossible to believe that men well versed in the to graphy, local history, and disputes respecting the holding of the property could have been so ignorant of their own neighbourhood as to put on record such a confession as this :—“ Of these” (over sixty villages and three churches) have few inhabitants; but how many inhabitants there may be is not known. The rest is waste. Roger of Poitou had it.” From some cause or other, Lancashire, like Westmorland, Cumberland, and Northumberland, could not be penetrated by the king’s justiciaries, and no juries could be brought together there. The two alternatives, therefore, were to glean, by means of men acting as jurors or called as witnesses in contiguous districts, some stray, uncertain scraps of information, and let them do duty for want of something better, or entirely omit such places. The former plan was taken with Amounderness, mainly north of the Ribble. It was tacked to Yorkshire by juries who knew little about the matter, and were honest enough to confess their ignorance, and the other part, between the Ribble and the Mersey, was undertaken similarly by the

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Cheshire juries, with rather better success, in Derby Hun- dred, lying near the more populous parts of that county, and in tolerably close, neighbourly communication, but unable to do more than guess at the rest of the hundreds with the aid of such information as would probably be in the posses- sion of the authorities of dues and customs in the time of Edward, the last of the Saxon kings, who, from any point of view, except that which peers out upon the world from beneath the monk’s cowl, was the most stupendous blunder of early English history. There does not seem to be much real difficulty in compre- hending the failure of King William’s commissioners to obtain the information necessary for Domesday Book in the northern counties. Their inability to deal at all with Westmoreland, Cumberland, Durham, and Northumberland, and their imperfect delineation of Lancashire, arose from precisely the same cause, only slightly lessened in intensity so far as the last-named county was involved. It is not necessary, therefore, to resort to fanciful theories, such as the allegation that Lancashire was really all but impenetrable at the period by reason of her morasses or want of roads. The existence of a network of Roman roads in the eastern and south-eastern districts of the county is a sufficient answer to such a gratuitous assumption. The morasses, if existing at all in more than the usual proportion of that age, and the absence of Roman roads also, were in the western arts of the county, where—Derby Hundred to witness— details were obtained. Besides this, if there was anything in want of roads or in the morasses of the county to prevent the King’s justiciaries from penetrating into the county, in order to obtain by local inquisitions a correct picture of its estates, how much more would the same impediments have deterred the Conqueror’s military forces from obtaining any foothold there! If a few justiciaries, armed with all the authority of the State, could not travel in Lancashire, the conclusion must also be reached that the Conqueror’s military power, and still less his civil authority, had never been recognised. The assumption that the imperfect account of Lancashire in Domesday Book deserves any credit rests solely upon the readiness which people sometimes

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display of attaching great weight to any record, perfect or imperfect, which bears upon its face the genuine stamp of antiquity ; and, on the other hand, men who are modern. and materialistic in their sympathies, are willing enough to adopt the poor device of depreciating the ancient civiliza- tion of Lancashire, in order to magnify, by force of contrast, its extraordinary development in modern times. The feeble guess-work of Amoundnerness, and the hear-say patchwork of the land between the Ribble and the Mersey, where not more than one-twelfth portion of the actual area was covered, by the Cheshire appendix in Domesday Book, are unanswer- able proofs that Lancashire was substantially ignored in the local surveys forming the usual basis of the great record of the first Norman monarch. If the reader will excuse the simile, while the counties of Westmorland, Cumberland, Durham, and Northumberland formed the totally obscured belt of the eclipse, Lancashire was the penumbra which fringed it. In the more northern counties enumerated, the King’s justi- claries encountered grimmest midnight; in Lancashire, “ darkness visible” barely. It is a mistake to suppose that the Conqueror’s power was consolidated by the overthrow of the wearied Saxons at Hastings. The confusion caused by the usurpation of Harold, who had no more hereditary right to the throne than William of Normandy, was the main cause of the sudden collapse which first established the Conqueror’s supremacy. This was followed by a fierce reaction, which manifested itself in attempts on the part of the conquered race to regain independence, and by many partial and tumultuous insurrectionary movements through- outthe kingdom. Steadily, after a brief pretence of govern- ment by mild means, he pursued—what was perhaps the only way he had to hold his own, and at the same time to secure the indispensable help of his following—his policy of parcelling out the country into vast lordships, with their effective ramifications, forming a complete military network over nearly all the counties of England, and of depriving the Saxon proprietors of all their possessions. The inception of the expedient of the hated curfew bell, furnishes abundant proof of the bitter animosity which the Conqueror’s rule everywhere provoked, and in 1068-9 the insurgents seemed


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to be everywhere making head. The Danes, whom the inhabitants of Yorkshire, Durham, and Northumberland hated much less than the Normans, appeared in the north, and, joined by the Saxons, disputed the authority of the Conqueror. They were unsuccessful, and King William not only revenged himself by destroying a great part of the city of York, but laid waste and depopulated the country by fire and sword, so that 100,000 men, women, and children are said to have been destroyed, and a wilderness formed so complete that, for nine years afterwards, “not a patch of tillage was to be seen between York and Durham, nor were the ruins of buildings that had been thrown down in the reckless devastation cleared away for more than a century.” From that time, to the rooting out of Hereward in the Isle of Ely in 1071, to 1085, when the Danes again threatened the Conqueror’s power, there was little peace in England, and although he was undoubtedly successful, from the military point of view, in putting down the oppressed . English whenever they took the field, his civil rule was by no means firmly established. It has been suggested that the omission of Westmorland, Cumberland, Durham, and Northumberland in Domesday Book might arise from the fact that they had been desolated so thoroughly by the Conqueror as to render the survey useless. But when it is remembered how frequently throughout many portions of Yorkshire the terrible word “ wasta’’ occurs where the necessary surveys were made, such an excuse for their absence loses all claim to consideration. They were not included because they could not be surveyed or reached. The Conqueror’s military power might overawe the people and keep them from organised warfare, but his civil power had no existence there, and his justiciaries valued their own safety too much to venture within those counties at all. And so it must have been also in Lancashire. “ Roger of Poitou had the land between the Ribble and the Mersey, but now the King holds it.” Amounderness, also, he had held, but it had reverted back to the King. Why? Because Roger, like many leaders in feudal times, could make war on his own account. “In the interval between the first division of property after the Norman conquest

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and the Domesday survey, the lands between the Ribble and the Mersey were forfeited to the crown by the defection of Roger of Poitou. This Honour was, however, afterwards restored to him in the reign of William Rufus, but he was again deprived of it for joining in the rebellion of Tewkes- bury.” This was the secret of no local juries being summoned in Lancashire, and explains at once the meagre, imperfect, and confused account of the county given in Domesday Book, as well as the taking of one part of the county to the records of Chester and the other to Yorkshire. There is, therefore, no ground for surprise that Saddleworth. is not mentioned in the Lancashire portions of Domesday Book. Scores of townships far more important than Saddleworth were omitted, and necessarily so from the absolute impossibility of enumerating them. But Rochdale, the ecclesiastical centre of Saddleworth was given, and there is some room for the supposition that it would include that outlying district within its bounds. It is, however, not certain that such was the case, although highly probable, and that afterwards Saddleworth was itself formed into an inferior manor, and ultimately into several. But one point is absolutely established beyond possibility of contradiction, and its importance in deciding the county to which Saddleworth was originally attached can scarcely be over-estimated. It is, that the district was not included up to comparatively recent times in the great Honour or Lordship of Pontefract, to which the manor of Wakefield, as well as the whole of the wapentakes of Agbrigg, Morley, Staincross, &c., were subject. Saddleworth is included in the map of the Honour of Clitheroe, given in Whitaker’s History of Whalley. It probably belonged originally to the manor of Rochdale, but was detached from it, such sub- divisions being by no means infrequent in feuds: cimes. When Roger of Poitou was deprived of his possessions they were given to Ilbert de Lacy, and the Lacy family held both the Honour of Clitheroe and the Honour of Ponte- fract for a considerable period. It would, therefore, be an easy matter for them to detach by degrees the township of Saddleworth in one of their great. lordships, and include it within the bounds of the county of Yorkshire, containing

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the other Honour, and in all probability this change took place, as well as the severance of the more norther'~ vortion of the Honour of Clitheroe, between the forks of tix. 2ibble, within one or two centuries from the date of Domesday Book, while the ecclesiastical connection of both districts with Lichfield still continued, and exists with very little variation to the present day.

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Gleanings from Carly Records.

eo ea FTER the Norman conquest, the earliest reference ae; to Saddleworth yet discovered, is in connection } with a claim made by the Abbot of Roche, or per- haps it ought to be called an opposition on the art of the King to an assumption of privilege by the abbey. ing Edward I., on his return from the Holy Land, having strong grounds for assuming that during the reign of his father, Henry III., the revenues of the crown had been considerably lessened by tenants in capite alienating without license, that ecclesiastics, as well as laymen, were withhold- ing the just rights of the King—the fountain head of all real property under the feudal system—with respect to claims for free chase, free warren, fishery, &c., and that they were also oppressing the people, by demanding un- reasonable tolls in fairs and markets, appointed special commissioners to make inquiry respecting all alleged encroachments. One result of the inquisitions, found at age 208 of the “ Placita de quo Warranto,” of the Record Publications, shows that the Abbot of Rupe claimed, in the year 1293, free warren at Roche, Brentecliffe, Arnesthorp, and Hildebrighthope (Friar Mere), but on the matter being investigated, the written evidence produced by him was a charter of 85 Henry III. (1251), granting the right of free warren in Roche, Arnesthorp, and Brentecliffe, in the

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county of York. It would appear, therefore, that he failed to prove his right of free warren in Friar Mere, and it may be assumed that, although Friar Mere might be in the ssession of the abbey in 1251, it was not included in the ing’s charter for free warren. It may be thought that this fact would indicate that, at the time when the warrant was granted, Friar Mere did not belong to Rupe; and if so, the first cession of it to the abbey must have taken place between 1251 and 1293. It is not, however, at all likely that the abbot would have had the temerity to include Friar Mere in his claim for free warren, if that property had only been very recently acquired, and 1251 may therefore be taken as the very latest period when it was presented to Rupe Abbey. The date of Warinus de Scargil’s deed of gift to the Abbey of Rupe is 1314, but he speaks of it as a mere confirmation of a grant made by Robert, son of William de Stapleton, who was the great- grandfather of Warinus. It would therefore appear that 60 years previous is scarcely too long a period to mark the time of his grandfather’s gift, and if the property had not been acquired therefore in 1251, it must have been within a short period of that date. ‘The assumption that the abbot failed to establish his claim to free warren in Friar Mere is founded on negative evidence. In other words, his success is not recorded. Another absence of description may be noted, although no great reliance can be placed on the point. It will be observed that in the claim, Roche, Brentecliffe, Arnesthorp, and Hildebrighthope, are not mentioned as being all in Yorkshire, but in the decision, when Roche, Brentecliffe, and Arnesthorp only remain in the group, they are definitely stated to be in the county of York. Hildebrighthope might therefore at that period be in Lancashire. In the Placitorum Abbreviatio, or “ Abstract of Pleadings,”’ during the reigns of Richard I., John, Henry III., Edward I., and Edward II., arranged by Mr. Arthur Agard and others during the time of Queen Elizabeth, and included in the Record Publications—with sundry very natural com- plaints of the then imperfect manner in which the records of ancient times had been cared for by the nation—an entry

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in connection with Saddleworth ocours at page 249, of which the following is a translation :-—

Trinity, 8lst Edward I. (1303). Assize

Ralph de Boteler (Butler) recovered possession of his eight acres of meadow land in Sadelesworth, and Richard Staveley (the de- fendant) was amerced. York. From this period, with one exception, which is evidently a mistake, perhaps occasioned by Saddleworth’s earlier connec- tion with Lancashire, the township is included in Yorkshire, so that the period when it was taken from the former county is apparently limited to the 237 years, between the date of Domesday Book (1086) and 1303. In the 14th year of Edward III. (1341) the ninth lamb, fleece and sheaf throughout the realm was granted to the king by parliament to cover the expenses of his wars in France and Scotland. A commission was issued for the purpose of assessing this ninth, and the returns made to the exchequer were published in the year 1807, by the Public Record Com- missioners. At page 39 of the Inquisitiones Nonarum, an entry is found that the church of Rochdale was assessed at 35 marks (£5 13s. 4d.), and that there is in the same parish the chapel of Sadelesworth, though it is in the county of York, and that its true value is 101. In the “ Calendar to Pleadings belonging to the Duchy of Lancaster” there occurs at vol. 1, page 300, an entry during the reign of Philip and Mary, but no date given, to the effect that in one cause Robert Leeghes the elder was the plaintiff, and Robert Leeghes the younger the defendant, concerning the title toa messuage, lands, and appurtenances at Leeghes (Lees), in Ashton-under-Lyne, Lancashire, and Quyck, in Sadleworthe, Yorkshire. At vol. 2, page 362, of the same pleadings, the date being the 10th year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth (1568), the following cause is entered :— “ Gilbert Gerrarde, attorney general, Thomas Leigh, Isabel, his wife, and others seized in the fee, were plaintiffs, and Edmond Prestwyche defendant. He was charged with the detention of title deeds and interrogatories proposed for his examination, of messuages, lands, meadow, and pasture, at

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Manchester, Chorleton, in Lancashire, and Sadleworth Fryth, Quycke, in Yorkshire.” The addition “fryth,”’ synonymous with “firth” and “ forth,” the last of which has already, on the authority of Domesday Book, been shown to be inter- changeable with “ worth” itself, is a curious little fact. It seems very like atautological affix when used with Saddleworth. In vol. 5, page 150, of the same Abstract of Pleadings, the first mention of Friar Mere is found as applied to the ssessions of Roche Abbey, and it is remarkable as rishing another instance of the faithfulness with which the common pronunciation in isolated and inland districts preserves the original names of places in all their pristine purity. It is written Frear Mere, just as the Saddleworth people pronounce it at the present hour. The entry referred to is a cause in which, during the 25th year of Queen Elizabeth (1583), Francis Samwell, as lessee, was plaintiff, and Ellis Scofield, of the Grange, in the right of the Abbey of Roche, the defendant, respecting waifs and strays in Sadleworth township, Almondbury Manor, Roche Abbey, Hilbrighthope lordship, Frear Mere, Yorkshire. At page 828 of the same volume, in the 37th year of Queen Elizabeth (1595), William Stubbes, as lord of the manor of Sadle- worth, was plaintiff, and Peter Winterbottom, Hugh Scott- field (Schofield), and others, tenants of the manor of Mosley, the defendants, in a cause respecting common or waste grounds, called High Moore and Quick Edge, at Sadleworth manor, Sadleworth Fryth, in Yorkshire, and Mosley, or Mosseley manor, in Lancashire. This cause, in which William Stubbes is mentioned as lord of the manor of Saddleworth, establishes a missing link in the history of the manor. He held it before its transfer to the Ramsden family, and it probably passed from him to them. In vol. 3, page 39, is the entry of a cause in the 17th year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth (1575), in which the attorney general was laintiff, and Robert Farrand, claiming from Sir John yron, knight, lessee of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the defendant, respecting common pasture on lands late parcel of the “ chappel of Saddleworth,” in Yorkshire. In the 15th year of Henry VIII. (1523 or 1524), as appears from an entry in vol. ili., page 29, the king’s commission was sent

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to Thomas Boteler (Butler), for a return and certificate of evidence of wardenship, patronage and foundation, as well as for a return of churches and chantries, free chapels and advowsons, in Lancashire, amongst which Sadilworth Church is placed. The same volume, at page 60, contains the entry in the 30th year of Henry VIII. (1539) of a cause in which Henry Trafforde, son and heir of George Trafforde, deceased, was the plaintiff, and Margaret Trafforde, widow, late wife of the said George Trafford, and guardian in socage to the plaintiff, the defendant, the matter in dispute being a claim to a marriage portion consisting of money, and goods, and chattels, and rents, issues and profits of lands, with interrogatories and de- positions, and other evidence, and therein of the marriage of the plaintiff to Catherine Fytton. The property was at Sadylworth Fryth, the Garet Manor, Sadylworth court house, Dowe Croft House, Mylne Fylde, Great Helen Fylde, Little Helen Fylde, in Lancashire. The plaintiff had apparently married Catherine Fytton without the full approval of his mother, so thatamongst their earliest experience of married life was the question of ways and means, caused by the defendant disputing—if not the validity of the marriage—the giving up of the marriage portion. Page 145 of the same volume contains the entry of a cause during the 2nd and 3rd of Philip and Mary (1556), in which Gilbert Gerard, Thomas Leighe, Isabel, his wife, and others, were the plaintiffs; and Sir Edmund Trafforde, knight, Henry Trafforde, clerk, and others, were the defendants. It was with reference to a disputed title to a capital messuage called the Hall of the Garret, with a barn, stable, two gardens, and orchard, and divers other houses and lands to the said capital messuage belonging, with interrogatories and depositions therein, and particularly Myllfeld close, and therein also of certain other lands and tenements in Lancashire and Yorkshire, at Hall of Garret, Manchester, Chorleton, in Lancashire and Sadyl- worth, otherwise the Wyck (Quick) Yorkshire. The Henry Trafforde, clerk, here mentioned as one of the defendants, is undoubtedly the same person who, 17 years previously, had the suit with his mother respecting the marriage portion, and as he was at the latter date one of those who had

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possession of the Garret manor, it may be presumed that, whether he won or lost his cause with his mother, he had come into possession of at least some of the property. In the “ Calendarium Inquis’ post mortem’’ numerous notices respecting property and owners in the township of Saddleworth are found. In vol. i., page 51, the date being the 30th year of Queen Elizabeth (1588), an entry occurs, from which it appears that Francis Tunstall, along with roperty in Westmorland and Lancashire, had in Yorkshire and &¢c,, in “ Saddleworth de maner’ de Quirke’”’ (Quick). At page 58, in the 32nd year of Elizabeth (1591), there 1s an entry respecting John Radycliffe, ‘‘ Miles,” having, along with much property in many other counties, land &c., at Saddleworth, in the county of York. At page 65, a record is found, bearing date the 42nd year of the reign of Eliza, beth (1601), to the effect that Alexander Radcliffe, ‘“‘ Miles,” had, along with messuages, mill, &c., in several counties, land, &c., at Saddleworth. At page 89, in the 22nd year of James I, (1625), an entry is found respecting Robert Holt, who, with property in Lancashire, had also land, &c., in Quick, Saddleworth. At page 98, in the 8th year of Charles I. (1638), is a notice of John Cudworth, who, along with land, &c., at “ Wyrneth, in Oldham,” and other places in Lancashire, had, in Yorkshire, messuages, lands, woods, &c., at Crowshawe, Saddleworth, manor of Wakefield, Castleshaw, Quirke. In the 15th of Charles I. (1640) Abel Buckley, along with property in Lancashire, had land &c., at Quicke, Saddleworth, in Yorkshire. In the 26th year of the reign of Queen Elizabeth (1584), an inquisition was made respecting the state of Her Majesty’s manor of Almondbury, and one answer of the jury was, further say that the townships of Huddersfield, Honley, Meltham, South Crossland, Slackthwaite, and Quicke do, in respect of the court leet, belong to the said manor of Almondbury, for that the several constables and certain men of every of the said townships do twice in the year make their suits to the said court leet,” &c. The constable and four men of the township of Quicke are summoned to ap twice a year at these courts, the suits having no reference to the tenure of their lands. See a paper on

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“ Almondbury in Feudal Times,” in the “ Yorkshire Archeological vol. 2, pp. 20 and 25. In the same part of that journal, which is extremely likely to do good service to topographical and archeological questions in connection with the county, a paper appears by James J. Cartwright, M.A., and with reference to a subsidy roll for the wapentakes of Agbrigg and Morley, in the 15th year of the reign of Henry VIII. (1524), the wapentakes mentioned being both in the Honour of Ponte- fract, it appears that there were assessed in ‘“ Whyke” (which is undoubtedly Quick, or Saddleworth, and not Wyke in the Morley wapentake), “‘ Hugh Schofeld, for 40s. guds, 12d.; Alexander Gartsyd, for 40s. guds, 12d.; John Whewal, for 40s. guds, 12d. Sum 3s.” The last two references to Saddleworth, and several others in which the manors of Wakefield and of Almondbury are mentioned, seem to throw a ray or two of light upon the mode in which changes in boundaries have sometimes been effected. There can be no doubt that Saddleworth was not in the wapentake of Agbrigg or in the Honour of Ponte- fract originally, and certainly no part of the great manor of Wakefield, the bounds of which are so accurately defined in Domesday Book. It formed no portion of the manor of Almondbury, yet the jurors empanelled in 1584 say that Quick, as well as Slaithwaite belong to it, the reason assigned - being that constables and others from the township attend twice a year to make their suit to that court. When the jurors in 1584 made their award respecting the townships which ought to be included within the jurisdiction of the court leet of Almondbury, a number of the neighbouring manors, Hud- dersfield, Honley, Meltham, South Crossland, Slackthwaite, and Quick, had again fallen into the hands of one proprietor, and although oriyinally perfectly distinct manors, with as. much governing power in their own bounds as Almondbury had—for it was merely on an equality with them, and like. them subject to the Honour or Lordship of which it formed a part—it had, through the accident of belonging to the same proprietor, who probably had his residence there—as the Ramsdens have to the present day—assumed a supe- riority over them, and for the personal convenience of the

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manorial lord Almondbury was made into a central court for all the manors and vills owned by him. The Ramsdens were not, however, at the period referred to, the lords of these manors. As has already been seen, in 1595, William Stubbes was the lord of the manors both of Almondbury and Saddle- worth, and in 1583, the year before the inquisition was made respecting the state of Her Majesty's manor of Almondbury, that manor and Saddleworth were both leased by Francis Samwell. The customs on which the jury founded their presentment had then grown up, and there can be little doubt that the townships enumerated had gradually become subject to the authority of the Almond- bury court leet, in consequence of being owned by the same proprietor. This is therefore a strong confirmation of the assumption that Saddleworth owed its original severance from Lancashire, and its union with Yorkshire, to the fact that the De Lacy family, shortly after the time of William the Conqueror, obtained possession both of the Honour of Clitheroe in Lancashire, and of that of Pontefract in Yorkshire,

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Rush Bearings m the Olden Time.

following paper, by George Shaw, Esq., J.P., NOC Ray St. Chad’s, was read on the last night of the year i] 1870, at the meeting in the Mechanics’ Hall, Uppermill, in connection with the schools of St. Chad’s Church. It has been kindly placed at our disposal by the writer, and such of our readers as are interested in the “Saddleworth Sketches” will no doubt regard it as a valuable addition to them :— I am, I believe, expected to say something to you about rush carts and the wakes. In a rash moment, and pleased with what I saw and heard at your last yearly meeting, ] promised to do so; but I am somewhat fearful all I can say to you will prove, in your estimation, “not worth a rush.” However, I have some scribblings here, and such as they are you are welcome to them. _I see it is printed upon the bill, “ Rush Bearings in the Olden Time.” I wish we had some description of them 500 years ago, and better still— double that time back—in the Heptarchy, but I fear we must be content with conjecture only. You have most of you seen these curious and carefully-made structures—the rush carts—as they appear at the surrounding wakes. They are become very few now in Saddleworth, seldom more than two or three, though in my early days five or six, and on great occasions, stich as election times, double that number. IT once saw twelve at the church at one time; I believe immediately after the election when Lord Morpeth and

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Henry Brougham — afterwards Lord Brougham — were returned for the county. I forget where they all came from, but on ordinary occasions one came from Cross, one from Boarshurst, one from Friezland, one from Running Hill, one from Harrop Dale, and I believe still earlier than my day one came from Burnedge, a joint affair amongst Lydgate, Grasscroft, Grotton, and Burnedge. The Cross rush cart always claimed precedence, and was allowed the privilege of backing up to the old porch of the church; the Boarshurst between the gate piers opposite, front to front ; the Running Hill was generally stationed under the great ew tree; and the Friezland always went up to the Cross eys Inn. There seemed to be some tacit understanding that this should be the arrangement, how or why I cannot tell, but I very well know that 50 years ago any other posi- tions would have been deemed wrong and completely out of order. It is not a little surprising to me that this is so fixed on my memory, and as I think of it what a host of old friends and pleasant faces arise in my mind's eye, as I went on my first visit to the wakes holding on by my father’s hand, and the hearty greetings, and the comments on the style and beauty of each separate rush cart, each keenly but pleasantly contested; and now how few, scarcely any, of that pleasant, genuine, and hearty old race are in existence— all in the old churchyard close by. I think, perhaps, I am a little over-running my subject, and have not fairly begun at the beginning. At each hamlet—Boarshurst or Cross, or any of the other places distinguished as rush cart places— the feeling commenced three or four days before the day of the wakes, and a party went to get bolt rushes, or long rushes, and others to get short rushes for the sides, and it took two or three days to get these tied up into bolts, &c. The night previous the cart began to be built, and its con- struction was so nice that it took some six or eight hours to complete the fabric. And now I must be allowed to say a more graceful or more beautiful structure does not exist than a well-built rush cart, perfectly geometrical in all its faces, side ways, front and behind, every part segmental and working into curves; in fact, no part harsh or angular, and all converging into what is termed and celebrated as

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*‘ the line of beauty.”” The rush cart complete and built, the saddle for the riders, the bunches of evergreens on the apex or top of the structure, and the sheet with its devices of ribbons, and in earlier days small portions of silver plate. I wonder how often an “old whistle tankard” of silver, in an old house hard by, has figured on a rush cart? Then the ropes and the stangs, and the stalwart young and old fellows drawing the same to the church, each and every one dressed ‘in his Sunday’s best’’—in shirt sleeves decorated with ribbons—prancing in the ropes to the tunes from the s and fifes, to the same enlivening strains to which marched so many of our gallant countrymen in Spain, in Portugal, and at Waterloo—strains played not unfrequently by the same men on both scenes—“ The Girl I left Behind Me,” and “The White Cockade,” &c. Then the arrival at the church, after the pomp and pageantry of procession through each village and hamlet on the line of march, the admired of all beholders; and then the close of the evening, the pulling to pieces of the rush carts, frequently in a glori- ous sunset, for in those days the second Saturday in old August was always a fine day; and last, the carrying of the short rushes into the church to cover the clay floor, and the long or bolt rushes for beehives. I well remem- ber helping a very old man we had then, and who had spent most of his life in my grandfather’s—Thos. Shaw’s— service, to carry rushes into our pew, which was then in the chancel gallery, immediately resting upon the beam of the old rood screen. Poor old John! he has long been gone, and amongst other favours he conferred upon my youthful years was telling me ghost and goblin tales, which have een a source of very great pleasure and some terror to me alternately, through the subsequent years of my life. He insisted upon it that on certain occasions a little boggart— called Old Red Cap—sat upon one of the barrels in our cellar and blew out the candle of any obnoxious male or female who went to draw beer. Such were rushbearings in my earlier days, and I am certain they were much more orderly than they have been of later years—less fearful cursing and swearing, less coarse and brutal language, which is totally disgusting, as too frequently practised

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amongst the rush cart people of the present day. As I have said before, the men were nearly all dressed up in Sunday costume, saving the coat; and the clean white shirt sleeves, bound round with ribbons and sweethearts’ favours—the coat frequently carried by some such affectionate personage. And now I think I have said enough of this most singular custom, known only within a circuit of some twenty miles or so, as regards the aspect the custom presents to the modern eye; but I want you all to join me in conjecture, for I am fearful we can never arrive at any certainty upon the subject. We all know the common notion, the carryi of the rushes to the church to keep warmth for the feet during divine service in winter, the same thing being prac- tised in the halls of the gentry, the castles of the nobles, and the palaces of the kings. Shakspere makes frequent mention of such custom, as do other writers of the middle and Elizabethan ages. This, no doubt, would be the use of the rush carts in these ages and to our time; but then comes to me the most interesting question—Why such elaborate and remarkably-formed structures, combining such taste of form and skill in building? Why always and in- variably the same shape, never changing in form, whether on a Waggon or two-wheeled cart or sledge, always the four rows of bolts, with the clean shaven short rushes, endways out? No change for half-a-century, as I can bear witness myself; and my grandfathers have both told me they were always the same when they were children, only in waggons and sledges, the two-wheeled cart not being known then in the district, the first coming to the “Old Tanners,” at Wallhill, about 100 or 105 years ago, about 1760 or 1765, my grandfather Radcliffe going to look at it as a boy with his father. Now again to the form or shape of these rush carts, so like a grand old Gothic cathedral window in its upper form and curvilinear outline. About the years 1843-4-5, I made drawings and sections of the rush cart, and I sent them to some of the leading anti- quaries of the day, and had a heap of correspondence on the subject, one and all declaring the custom to be most singular and interesting. Sir Samuel Meyrick, the cele- brated antiquary, laid a set of the drawings and a description

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on the table of the Society of Antiquaries in Somerset House, London. I put all the correspondence together, but, I grieve to say, the package of papers I cannot lay my hands upon, and am fearful they are destroyed. I have a general recollection of the notions of several leading men of the time. The Earl of Shrewsbury, a great Church of Rome antiquary, and the builder of Alton Towers, said the shape was from the shrine, and the carriage of anything holy—the Virgin, the saint, the patron of the church, and mixed up with the harvest thanksgiving, which the month of August would agree with. Sir Samuel Meyrick argued from an older period as the origin of the custom and the form, thinking it might bear upon the period when the Helio Arkite worship was predominating, and when Pots and Pans might be the altar of the sun worship, and its immediate successor, the Arkite idolatry, the boat-like form, &c., and the constant mention in the Old Scriptures of the ark and its processions. Moses was concealed in an ark of bulrushes; David danced before the ark—a proceeding which his wife, Saul’s daughter, derided him for. The ark was always dragged in procession, with great pomp and ceremonial, and was generally preceded by music and dancing, and I have often thought, when seeing a rush cart advancing with the music and the men dancing in the ropes, there seemed to me to be a great resemblance. Pugin, if I remember right, thought the mystery of the vesica piscis the origin. One and all agreed the origin both of shape and custom was undoubtedly from religious ceremonial, either of Christian or Pagan times. The bishop’s mitre was suggested, and, in turn, the similar head appendage of Jewish high priest as giving the same form. Someone suggested the rejoicings after the flood, and the rushes forming the ark-like shape, as denoting the wate remembrance. As I said before, I very much regret 1 cannot find the bunch of letters I received from a many learned and eminent men of that day on the subject, as I can only ae a meagre echo of what each wrote and propounded, or conjectural remarks on the origin of the subject in question. I might go on enumerating similar forms in an innumerable variety of objects, such as the


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Heater shield of the old Norman and crusading knights, and the oval-shaped seals of the abbeys and of the great ecclesiastic dignitaries of the earlier and middle ages of England ; but, as all must be mere conjecture, I will now drop this part, though, to me, far the most interesting part of anything that can be said on the rush-bearing topic. After having thus tried in vain to pierce the middle ages for assistance, or bring the custom to an earlier and Pagan day, we must come back to our own, our fathers’ and our grandfathers’ days, of which we all know something, and on which we can speak without conjecture and with perfect truth. My remarks will now merely extend to one or two anecdotes respecting rush carts. Some ten or twelve years ago, a party were dining with the late Jas. Dearden, Esq., lord of the manor of Rochdale, -myself amongst the number, all of them, if I may so say, “tarred with the same stick of old customs, and habits, and sports. I ventured to regret the general dis- appearance of rush carts, and a long conversation sprang up, being desultory, and like the chat I have been giving you. As it died away, the squire suddenly said, ‘ [ll start them again in Rochdale,’ and so he did. He offered a ten guineas prize for the handsomest that came, £5 5s. for the next best, and £1 1s. for each that came, and I well remember some twenty or thereabouts appeared. The year after came a many, and as I sat with him one day in his library, the windows open, the rush cart opposite, some of the men asked permission to leave it on the carriage-drive, where it stood. ‘“ Mr. Dearden, weor beawn to have us dinners, and we'll leave you th’ rush cart for an hour or so.”’ “ Ay, do, and if I lose it Pll pay for it.” He now has been dead eight years, one of my earliest and best friends, a rich man who could afford to do such athing. There is a tale told of Brunedge, I think, but am not quite sure. When, on one particularly wet wakes, they built their cart in a barn, in the exuberance of their spirits and joy on the occasion, they forgot the height of the barn door, and when all was ready the dreadful fact was discovered that it was higher than the doors, and it had to be pulled partly down, and in this degraded state dragged to the church, the

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builders consoling themselves with what is now an old adage, “If we cannot bring th’ rush cart to our minds, we must bring our minds to th’ rush cart!” The last time rushes were put in the church was in 1821, and my father was churchwarden. Bishop Law, then Bishop of Chester, came on horseback from some place, to visit the church, and my father was sent for, and I went with him, and the bishop got quite angry, “poor good” man, about these rushes, and said, ““Why, sir, your church is literally a stable, with rushes instead of straw.”’ The ground floor was afterwards partly flagged and partly boarded, and rushes carried in no more. I think, now, “I have bestowed my tediousness” upon you long enough, and if any should be interested in what I have said, I am sure I shall be pleased, my object being to contribute, however humbly, to the pleasures of the evening. Some pleasant banter ensued on the part of Mr. Gartside, of Wharmton Tower, who, half jeering, urged the propriety of resuscitating the wakes in these parts in more seemly guise, without the more objectionable features, and that, as in the days of our fathers, all, gentle and simple, should attend, and join in the festivities; and that Mr. Shaw, who had spoken on the subject, should take a leading part, in which he (Mr. Gartside) would be most happy to join. Mr. Shaw replied that his subject was worn out, his “ farthing dip,” or rather “rush light,” was only just dimly burning im the socket; but, before parting, he begged to ask Mr. Gartside one question, which he would put to him in two lines from that most spirited and wonderful local song, Jone o’ Grenfelt”—

‘Wilt ta be one o’th’ foot, Or theau meons to ride?



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